Manuel Alum (1943–1993)

In the 1960s, Paul Sanasardo’s technique classes were the most rigorous modern dance classes in New York City. Many people in his advanced class became notable dance artists. The lead male dancer of Sanasardo’s company, Manuel Alum, was outstanding in that class. Graced with physical beauty as well as a strong sense discipline, he performed, whether in class or onstage, with a piercing intensity. When I saw a concert of his, I was blown away by his portrayal in The Cellar (1967): gripping, extreme, courageous. His authenticity and craft continued throughout his oeuvre of more than fifty works. Like many men in the dance community, tragically, he died of AIDS in the prime of life.

 

“I listen to Mozart always as more like being in a mountain…There’s a spirituality that a mountain has, the spiral ascending. I’ve always been attracted to that.” —Manuel Alum

Cellar, ph Milton Oleaga, JErome Robbins Dance Division, NYPL

Manuel Alum was a dancer of uncommon gifts. Whether expanding into space with grandeur, or responding to an internal voice, he was a compelling figure onstage. Dance artist Margaret  Beals recalled his “dark, soulful eyes and a body of liquid steel.”[1] Scholar and former Sanasardo dancer Mark Franko described him as a “riveting soloist whose intensity had a cool, almost schizoid detachment.”[2] New York critic Zita Allen wrote that “he pounces on movement with a falcon’s precision.”[3]

Alum was also a singular choreographer, creating mystical solos and swirling group pieces that mixed classical ballet and space-sculpting modern dance. He was not in the vanguard at the time, but he dug deep into the human psyche, and his rawness made for vivid dances. Chicago critic Linda Winer wrote of his mind/body integration that he was one of those “rare souls whose conceptual and technical wizardry are backed by a sympathetic kind of brain. Whatever he did, his mind did too.”[4] He explored rituals of other cultures, prompting Franko to write that “Alum initiated a form of choreographic multiculturalism.”[5] His dances had a spiritual component that was expressed in a variety of ways. Commissions came to him from companies across the modern/ballet divide, including Dance Theatre of Harlem, the Hartford Ballet Company, Ballet Rambert in London, Ballet Hispanico, Washington Ballet, and the Bat-Dor Company of Israel.

Born in Arecibo, Puerto Rico, Alum’s first encounter with dance came when the great Cuban ballerina, Alicia Alonso, rehearsed in a room in his father’s hotel. “I used to bring her towels,”[6] Manuel remembered. At the age of 12, he visited Chicago and decided to stay there with his grandmother. He studied painting, but a class with Jamaican modern dancer Neville Black opened a window into dance. Seeing his natural talent, Black offered him a year-long scholarship and a spot in his company. While in Chicago, Alum saw Sybil Shearer perform—and he found his calling. In her improvised solos, the extraordinary Shearer could keep a (small) audience spellbound while spinning a tapestry of quirky moves. Alum has said, “I felt she was doing with her body what I was doing with my abstract paintings.”[7] In 1961, Alum moved to New York, where he studied at the Martha Graham school on scholarship while supporting himself with restaurant jobs. But after two years at the Graham studio, he felt, “It was not the place for me to grow.”[8] He wanted to make dances, but her company members were expected to devote themselves solely to her choreography. A fellow student at the Graham School, Diane Germaine, brought him to the studio of Paul Sanasardo in Chelsea. Sanasardo, a commanding performer, had been in the original cast of Anna Sokolow’s masterpiece Rooms (1955), which depicts urban alienation in a searing, powerful way. In his own work, Sanasardo took Sokolow’s expressionism to tortured—and torturing—extremes.

Donya Feuer and Paul Sanasardo, 1961 NY Times

Sanasardo and Donya Feuer, a Juilliard graduate, had started the Studio for Dance in 1958; it immediately grew into a vital hub of experimentation in a vein that could be categorized as dance theater. The m.o. was to delve into the human psyche with a dramatic edge, producing works that Franko characterized as “personal and poetic as well as provocative and disturbing.”[9]

In order to produce these collaborations, the Studio for Dance cultivated an environment that offered a sense of possibility. In a conversation quoted by Franko, Feuer waxed eloquent about her partnership with Sanasardo:

Being together made it possible to be what I would like to call “safe.” The world really could be just what this was, and nothing else. I think it was that that was so beautiful about the Studio for Dance, that it was filled with this kind of energy and belief, and way to work, and dedication. And it was also a kind of liquidity where courage was not a question: everything was possible, nothing was impossible. You could talk about beautiful things; you could talk about brutal things; all of it belonged to something bigger than that.[10]

Conceptually, philosophically, psychologically, as articulated by Franko, this approach sought to replace alienation with intensity.[11]

Feuer, however, departed for Sweden in 1963, at which point Sanasardo’s influence loomed larger. Because Alum arrived in late 1962, he did not have a chance to really work with Feuer. But he obviously was enthralled by Sanasardo’s intensity and experience. One of the positive aspects of Sanasardo’s influence was that he valued classical training, and he urged his dancers to study with Mia Slavenska, the Croatian former star of the Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo—which Alum did, along with classes from Maggie Black, former assistant to Antony Tudor, and Karel Shook, co-founder of Dance Theatre of Harlem. Within a couple of years, he attained a level of technical mastery that anchored his dancing. Almost immediately, he became a principal dancer as well as assistant to the director of the Paul Sanasardo Dance Company.

Sanasardo encouraged Manuel to choreograph, giving him space to rehearse, organizing shared concerts, and helping with design elements. The first opportunity for Alum to show his own work was in 1963, when Sanasardo engaged Judson Hall, a midtown space, for three of his top dancers to show their choreography: Judith Blackstone, who had performed with Sanasardo and Feuer since she was 10; Germaine, a strong, forceful dancer; and Alum. For Manuel’s first solo, Wings I Lack (sometimes called Of Wings I Lack), Sanasardo helped make the wooden wing that was essential to the piece. Alum appreciated the support during the ten years he was with the Sanasardo company, saying, “I was given the opportunity to make mistakes.”[12]

During the 1966-67 season, Sanasardo produced a series at the 92nd Street YM-YWHA, the bastion of modern dance in mid-century New York City. The series included his repertoire as well as pieces made by six of his dancers (Blackstone, Germaine, Franko, Alum, Cliff Keuter, and Elina Mooney). The critic Clive Barnes praised Sanasardo’s generosity in give this opportunity to young dancers. Barnes singled out Manuel’s choreography, noting that his solo Storm “produced oddly frozen posés set against a scene of tarlatan tundra, suggesting the bleakest desolation.” Also on the program were two other pieces by Alum: The Offering, a trio with religious overtones, and Nightbloom, a quartet with nature imagery.

The Cellar, shown the following year, was his breakout piece. A dark, compressed solo, it premiered on the Inside Modern Dance series at the New School for Social Research in 1967. It turned a limited vocabulary into a nightmare of claustrophobia, packing an emotional punch in a mere eight minutes. Both sound and sight were unnerving. A fast-ticking noise by Polish film composer Wojciech Kilar sometimes escalated into what critic Don McDonagh called “mechanical screeching.”[13] Alum crunched his body into a tight ball, signaling self-protection, a return to the womb, or sheer paranoia. Then he stretched up tall with big, precarious shapes. It was difficult for some audience members to sit through, but for some, the extreme imagery got burned into the memory.

First page of series in TDR, Spring 1969

One image in the Photo Interpretation series © Max Waldman,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Clive Barnes saw the solo figure as a man “imprisoned by his own agony.”[14] Don McDonagh wrote that it had “a compelling, obsessive quality like a Poe short story.”[15] Tom Borek, commenting in Dance Magazine, said it “almost reaches the breaking point of madness;” he proclaimed it “an outstanding piece itself in the entire field of dance.”[16]

The Cellar was so visually stark that The Drama Review published an unprecedented twelve-page photo essay by the legendary Max Waldman. The images show, in Waldman’s famously black-and-white, grainy texture, Alum grasping himself in a fetal position. With fingers splayed open and feet turning inward, the images suggest extremes of fear, despair, and loneliness. This seems like a figure just after birth or just before death.

While Alum could always rely on his own electric performances for solos, choreography for ensemble works required a different skill set, which he developed quickly. He premiered Palomas (the Spanish word for doves), an anti-war piece for six women wearing pale grey, with the Northern Westchester Dance Company, where he’d been teaching. He later set it on Sanasardo’s company, and it also appeared on the first full evening of Manuel’s own work at the 92nd Street Y in 1970—the year he started his company.

Felicia Norton, a lead dancer in Alum’s company, remembers the ballet well. In her solo section, she said, it “felt like a plea for peace, and I remember at times opening my costume skirt fabric to allude to the wings of a dove or a prayer flag and hovering over the earth and opening to the sky.” She also remembered a particular fall that all six dancers did: “We opened out into a full body straddle, arcing back to one’s full extent, and then we fell [forward] flat to the ground…It was as if the whole body screamed and then descended with impact to the earth.”[17]

Felicia Norton in Palomas, 1974, Courtesy Felicia, ph unknown

When Clive Barnes saw Palomas at the Y, he called the dance “a true beauty.”[18] In fact, he was so impressed with the entire concert that he announced that it “marked the arrival of a potential major force in modern‐dance.”[19]

While Palomas pled for peace, Era (1970) gave a picture of rebellion. The ten dancers gradually became rambunctious, running around and bothering each other, either attacking or protecting someone else. With music by Penderecki contributing to a growing sense of anxiety, the group broke off into pairs of combatants. As Norton said, “It was the feeling of unrest in the world.” To give it a sense of spontaneity, Alum changed the order of the solos each time. According to Germaine, “You were out there pacing around and crisscrossing everybody, and Manuel…he’d run around and weave through and tag somebody. Then that person had to do their little improvised solo and tag somebody else. You never knew who he was going to tag and when.”[20]

For a while, the artistic relationship between Sanasardo and Alum was mutually beneficial. Doris Hering, premier Dance Magazine writer, effused about both of them as choreographers when she saw their concert at Brooklyn Academy of Music in 1971. After giving a poetic evocation of Sanasardo’s work as “a darkening pond,” she wrote, “What I like most in the choreography of both Sanasardo and Alum is the deep sense of responsibility. It extends them beyond themselves. More than that it affects their beautifully trained and obviously committed company. It also frees their choreography.”[21]

Just as Sanasardo was instrumental in Alum’s artistic growth, the younger dancer was instrumental in the older dancer’s choreographic career. Alum not only lent his gifts as a performer to many Sanasardo works, he ultimately contributed eight ballets to the company’s repertoire.

Sanasardo Dance Company brochure, with Alum’s name featured, BAM, 1971, photo of Sanasardo ©Max Waldman

As often happens in the dance world, mentor and disciple became lovers. Sanasardo was not by nature monogamous; relationships were messy. Blackstone described the situation: “There was a lot of drama, and Manuel was very sensitive and very vulnerable. He was a wounded person. So the tension with Paul didn’t help that at all. There was a lot of harshness and a lot, a lot of trauma. Drama-trauma.”[22]

All this was destabilizing for Alum. Germaine tells of a time when he went AWOL while working on his first solo. He was upset with Germaine for not readily coming to watch his rehearsal. But there was a larger issue. In his hand he held a small crucifix that was possibly a gift from Sanasardo. (More about religious symbols later.) With that crucifix, according to Germaine, he punched his fist into the window of the studio and ran downstairs and into the street. It took a while for Germaine and her fellow dancers to calm him down. Perhaps this was a case of vulnerability being strength, because that very woundedness ultimately contributed to his unique movement vocabulary.[23]

One of the more durable dances that Alum contributed to the Sanasardo rep was Nightbloom (1966), originally for Willa Kahn, Mark Franko, Joan Lombardi, and Alum. It opened with the four dancers on their backs, feet cycling in the air like budding stamens and pistils at warp speed to music by experimental Polish composer Kazimierz Serocki. Willa Kahn, a luscious mover, had a slow, deep bodied solo that added an element of pathos. While kneeling, she reached out and upward, stretching over to the side until she swooped into a fall, then dragged herself along the floor, as though in the trenches. At the end, all four reached up high as they sank to the floor. They all arched back as one, then folded forward as one, ending in a serene heap of blooming dominoes.

Nightbloom, by Alum, a later version, at Henry Street Settlement

Twenty-three years later, Alum made an expanded version for the apprentice company of Ballet Hispanico, calling it Nightbloom II (1989). He replaced the original music with a soundtrack that mixed birds chirping with classical music. One of the ten dancers from that version, Omonike Akinyei, gave a presentation at the Library for the Performing Arts at Lincoln Center in 2022, in which she looked back on her time with Alum in awe: “The Manuel Alum who had choreographed Nightbloom II was vibrant and mysterious. He entered the studio dressed in white, like a sort of Jedi knight, he seemed to be on a quest that was deep and secretive from the very start. His socks and dance shoes were laced to his feet as if to hold in the energy and keep it from bursting into the air.”[24] About the version he created for them, she recalled that “Our feet cackled like busy bats making noise until silenced by the wind. We were close to the ground and would fall and recover, not by listening for the counts in the music, but through a sense of timing based on the feeling of the people around us on stage.[25]

Judging from the video, this version was choreographically more cogent that the original quartet. Of course, it wasn’t danced as well because these teenagers were students, but the group patterns flowed more organically and it felt closer to nature.

Alum in Feathers c. 1969, ph Zachary Freyman

One of Alum’s early teaching stints was at Ballet-Théâtre Contemporain, based in Amiens, France, in 1969. Among the dancers were Malou Airaudo and Dominique Mercy. For Airaudo, his teaching was a breath of fresh air. “Manuel was not like this kind of ballet kitsch,” she told me, referring to the kind of ballet she was seeing in Europe. “It was so simple, so pure, for me. I fell in love with the way he moved. The simplicity was incredibly beautiful.”[26] She arranged a leave of absence from her French company and followed him to New York. He had told her—and it was true in his mind—that he had a company. However, for European dancers, then and now, a “company” means a contract, a reasonable schedule of daytime rehearsals, and a paycheck. In downtown New York, a “company” may mean a casual arrangement of rehearsing at odd hours and getting paid only for performance. For Airaudo, there was no company.

Malou Airaudo and Felicia Norton in Palomas, Washington Square Church, 1974

Another unpleasant surprise was that she found an attitude that bordered on verbal abuse. Although she felt that both Alum and Sanasardo were “great artists,” she had to figure out how to get over the negativity: “Manuel would say to me, ‘You could be the best dancer in New York, but you dance like a truck. You have to put your head together, [not be] crazy all the time. I’m not your father, I’m not your friend, I’m not your boyfriend.’ He was very, very hard on me.”[27] In Airaudo’s case, she admits that he “pushed me to be a better dancer,” partly by sending her to study with Maggie Black. But in the meantime, she found his derision hard to take. (My personal perception: When I heard how she was treated by Alum, it echoed the way I witnessed Sanasardo treating Alum himself in technique class. Although Manuel was beautiful and disciplined, his mentor would denigrate him in front of the rest of the class.) This negativity applied to choreographic efforts as well. Blackstone recalled that when she and her fellow dancers showed their early choreographic efforts to Sanasardo, they were usually met with “harsh criticism.”[28] Of course, this negativity was not limited to Sanasardo and Alum. It was baked into dance training at the time. It was the old-school approach that believes that if the teacher castigates people in class, they will knuckle under and work harder.

In 1969, Sanasardo established the School of Modern Dance at the Saratoga Performing Arts Center in upstate New York, with Alum as assistant director. For five summers the Paul Sanasardo Dance Company was in residence. It was in the summer of 1972 that Alum brought the two dancers he met in France—Airaudo and Mercy—to join the company’s three-week residency. To add to the international mix, Sanasardo invited Pina Bausch, whom he had worked with when she’d been a Juilliard student in 1959-60.[29] For those four weeks, Bausch, Alum, Airaudo and Mercy lived in a house together and became close friends. The following year, Bausch started her company in Wuppertal. Airaudo and Mercy became foundational members of her new company, which ultimately became world famous. She may have also invited Alum to join her company, but he wanted to stay in New York to choreograph. They remained close friends, and whenever she came to New York to perform at the Brooklyn Academy of Music, she stayed in his loft on White Street.

That summer Alum made A Woman of a Mystic Body, Pray for Us for Airaudo. In the video, she stands with a head-to-foot white veil, like the cloak of Mother Mary (or like Ruth St. Denis dressed as the “White Madonna”). On the first note of Verdi’s “Ave Maria,” she throws open the veil/cape and falls forward to the floor. Then she runs, exultant, cape billowing behind her. At one point, she bends over to put on a high-heeled shoe, which she tosses aside abruptly. She’s an angel, a nun, the mother of Jesus, but maybe she wants to try on what real life is like, the role a woman has to wedge herself into. Critic Jennifer Dunning wrote that Airaudo “progresses from stately sorrow to frenzied agony.”[30]

Clive Barnes gave both the choreography and the dancer high praise. He wrote that the solo showed an “unusual ability to build up a cumulative choreographic effect. It was also most exquisitely danced by Miss Airaudo, a statuesque young woman of eloquent dignity.”[31] Village Voice critic Deborah Jowitt, however, used this performance to register an overall complaint. After hailing Airaudo’s “virtuoso performance of emotional and physical pyrotechnics,” she wrote, “but I felt awful about the piece.”[32] She went on to explain that, while she appreciated the excellent dancer and Alum’s choreographic talent, she found the work lacking in development. “For myself, I just wish all his dances lived up to the brilliance of their first few minutes.”[33]

Another person who felt uncomfortable about that solo was Airaudo herself. She was in her early 20s when Alum made it for her. She remembers the characterization of this mystical woman blurring with her own circumstances: “This woman, she doesn’t know really what she wants. This confusion between religion and the woman that I am—what’s happening in the body, the sexuality and the love—and I was so lost in New York, and Manuel was in this feeling of believing [in god]. We never spoke about it.”[34]

That summer of 1972 in Saratoga was also when Felicia Norton, who was to remain a lifelong friend, entered Manuel’s life. A trained ballet dancer with a lovely demeanor, she immediately gravitated to him, and he to her. He gave her solos that took advantage of her long lines and high extensions. A student at Kirkland College when she started dancing with him, she had to finish a year of college before she joined the company in 1973. Her positive reaction to him was immediate: “He was so gorgeous to watch and so clear,” she told me.[35] “His class was beautiful, very deep, a lot of presence. He had clear balletic lines when he moved. He always said, ‘Move with a good feeling. Feel good when you move. Put good energy into every move you make.’ He was so sincere, really heartfelt—and demanding.”[36]

Manuel and Felicia (dagger in hand) in El Tango, 1976, ph Lois Greenfield, Courtesy F. Norton

The rehearsal periods in New York were intense. Because the Sanasardo studio (which had, in 1964, relocated two blocks away and changed its name from Studio for Dance to Modern Dance Artists) was packed with classes, Alum’s group rehearsed in the evenings, sometimes till midnight. Like Airaudo, Norton recalled his negative aspects, but she felt closer to him as a friend: “He was intense, demanding…He was uncompromising in what he wanted. It was hard for me. I didn’t have a lot of dance experience. But he and I had a very close relationship. We were friends. We did everything together…. To me he was very kind, very loving. In the studio, he had a good sense of humor.”[37] She felt she was part of his family. The following decade, when Bausch came to visit, Norton often ended up babysitting her son Solomon.

Felicia Norton in Yemaya, 1974

In the summer of 1974, the American Dance Festival at Connecticut College offered Manuel a new challenge: a commission to collaborate with a composer as part of its music-and-dance (“MAD”) project that summer. All four chosen choreographers were fairly well known— Jennifer Muller, Nancy Meehan, Bella Lewitzky, and Alum—and all compositions were to be played live by the fifteen-strong Saint Paul Chamber Orchestra. Alum was paired with Ira Taxin, a young atonal composer who held an assistantship at Juilliard. Together they created Yemaya, a story based on the healing orisha, or goddess of the sea, who, in Yoruba culture, cleanses people of their sins. Taxin came to rehearsals at the Sanasardo studio, improvising on the piano, guided by Alum’s sense of story. In a recent conversation, looking back fifty years, Taxin recalled that during the process Alum was intense, focused, and fast. Taxin’s music, using strings and percussion, supported the energy changes in the choreography. As the dancers passed around a piece of fake seaweed, they each reacted differently to this symbolic sprig of life. When the action became more frenzied, Taxin gave them a rhythmic percussion section. At the end, the whole group waved arms high up, drifting slowly off stage. Taxin created a floating effect with just flute, piano, and a humming vibraphone. The Village Voice music critic Tom Johnson proclaimed their collaboration the most successful of the four. He praised the score for its expressive range, especially the percussion section and the final quiet section.[38] At the premiere, critic Rose Ann Thom wrote about their final exit, “Their effortlessness and complete lack of tension created the illusion of spiritual and physical release.”[39]

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In the late 1970s, Alum felt a yearning to explore a different part of the world. With a fellowship from the Japan/U.S. Friendship Commission—the first dancer to be so honored—he traveled to that country to study dance forms there. Intuitively, he felt an aesthetic connection to things Japanese. In an interview in 1987, he said, “I think there must’ve been a Japanese part of me in another lifetime because it made a lot of sense.”[40] Comparing his focused time abroad with his busy life in New York, he recalled his time there with pleasure:

The first time in my life I didn’t have to worry about money because it was a wonderful, generous grant and it was like “solo time.” All I did was study, choreograph, dance, lecture, teach. I was busy doing my thing. Here, I have to sit in my desk doing a lot of paper work all the time. In Japan…I could concentrate on the things that interested me. That was the old things. I found the old Edo, Zen-related arts, more modern than what was going as modern there today…I found that there was a sensibility that I had here before. So it was universal.[41]

Alum told Jennifer Dunning of the New York Times that what was called “modern” there was very dated, with people “running around with scarves to Ravel, dressed in the latest styles of leotards.”[42] (One wonders if he saw any Butoh, the “dance of darkness” that developed during the American occupation after World War II. He might have felt an affinity for the intense concentration and distortions of that genre.) He studied briefly with one of the most revered traditional dancers, Daisuke Fujima. The two planned a shared program in Tokyo, in which they would each perform several solos as well as a new collaborative duet. But the duet never happened. According to Alum, Fujima’s advisors counseled him against it.[43] Alum was “a bit frustrated.”[44]

The video of that shared performance at Noh Theater, Kanazawa, Japan, performed in 1979 and broadcast in 1980, shows that after Shojo, Fujima’s first, slow, ritualistic solo, the traditional music continued playing while Manuel danced his first solo. This suggests that he was willing to engage in Japanese aesthetics without a pretense of having mastered the traditional form. In another performance, at the National Educational Theater (Toranomon Hall) in Tokyo—where he was the first foreigner ever to appear—he received thunderous applause after performing The Cellar.[45]

On a different occasion, Manuel performed Gette no mai, A Moongarden Dance in the International House Garden in Tokyo. It was hard to see in the dimness of the nighttime video, but Alum seemed sensitive to the plant elements, fitting himself into the crook of a tree, running through the garden like a gazelle. Sound pioneer Akio Suzuki played live, probably a Japanese flute —shakuhachi—as well as percussive instruments that sounded like a washboard, a kalimba, or just sticks clacking. It was all very evocative of a nature poem come to life.

Upon his return to New York, Manuel presented Made in Japan (1980), which he called a “kinetic diary,” at Japan House. In the first of three sections, wearing all black (head scarf, leotard top, flared trousers to the knees, and calf warmers), he began dancing above the audience on a hanamachi, the traditional ramp used in Kabuki theater, then staggered down the incline to the main performance area. He wove together various movements: running with arms wide open, turns, leaps, big tilts, and smaller moves like squatting with a hand or foot circling, as though isolated from the body. At one point Alum bowed repeatedly, accelerating until he was maniacally bobbing and jittering off balance. After changing into a white outfit, his dancing gathered momentum. A Kuroko (a black-clad, Noh-style assistant) entered to wrap a cloth around Alum’s knees, making him hobble wildly until the Kuroko returned to remove it. The first three sections broke through the usual decorum of Japanese classical dance. In the final section, he appeared resplendent in white organdy ceremonial robes and mask, designed by the Belca House of Kyoto, while brandishing a fan. The sound by Fluxus-inflected sound artist Yoshi Wada, ranged from long tones, traditional Japanese voice with wood block and bell tones, to vocal rasps and growls.

Made in Japan, Japan Society 1980, ph O. Honda

Writer/editor Francis Mason raved about the piece in his slot on WQXR Radio, saying he witnessed an “inward journey” of this “astonishing dancer.”[46] Mason referred to the various sections that were named in the program notes: “He involves us in a series of collages about rice fields, salutation, Hiroshima, Japanese gardens, Martial Arts, Kabuki, Nō, earthquakes, Zen tea ceremony and other things he saw and learned.”[47] Lillie F. Rosen, reviewing for Dance News, wrote that he showed “all his former talent and appeal plus an added sensitivity and rhythmic shading, a distinctive inner probing that proved the catalyst for a rare and beautiful evening of creativity.”[48] The choreographer Muna Tseng, who was also in the audience, observed that Alum’s Made in Japan “was stunningly magnificent and subtle, like a strong silk cloth.”[49] The performance was so well received that Japan Society invited him back for a return engagement in March, 1981.

Made in Japan, Jacob’s Pillow, ph Stephan Driscoll, 1981

 Made in Japan was repeated at Jacob’s Pillow in July, 1981. For this production of Made in Japan, he wrote a foreword, calling the piece “a diary made up of observations, reactions, imagery and impressions that Japan revealed to me.”[50] In the video in the Pillow’s Dance Interactive, we see that he again built a hanamachi. To sustained tones by Yoshi Wada, he vibrated his whole body, then staggered downward on the long hanamachi toward the regular stage.

The icing on the cake of his trip to Japan was that shortly after he returned, the Japanese composer Minoru Miki hired him to perform the role of the Actor, a female character, in the opera An Actor’s Revenge. Billed as a “kabuki opera,” it was produced at Opera Theater of St. Louis in June 1981. To prepare, Alum trained with Kinnosuke Hanayagi of the Hanayagi classical tradition. For Alum, “This satisfied my ambition to work with the two major schools of Japanese classical dance: Hanayagi and Fujima.”[51]

Alum’s Japan experience helped him extricate from the negative aspects of his relationship with Sanasardo. Dance artist Phyllis Lamhut, who directed him in her quartet titled MAN in 1989, told me, “His creativity was too dominated by the presence of Paul. Paul had a huge ego…Eventually, Manuel got his act together … and he felt his creativity was worth something, not put under the rug by Paul’s constant critique.”[52]

Ellen Kogan in Alum’s Somewhere Between Hours, ph Stephan Driscoll, Courtesy Kogan

To go back to that 1981 program at the Pillow, he also made a new solo for fellow dancer Ellen Kogan with music again by Suzuki. According to Kogan, Somewhere Between Hours (first titled Somewhere Between 9 and 5) “follows a woman who momentarily steps outside the demands and rituals of ordinary life to confront the private, thwarted, and deeply honest impulses of her inner world.” In a recent email, she told me how valuable her experience with Manuel was:

Manuel taught me to show my concentration, not my technique. He taught me to journey inward, to articulate, to carve space, and—above all—to be real. He was a no-nonsense choreographer: no excuses, no self-doubt, no hesitation, no boundaries…Each movement had its own arc in space, its own sense of time, its own energy, its own power. He was relentless in his pursuit of purity and clarity, insisting on an unobstructed view of movement in its truest form. Some people thought it was too much, too tough. I didn’t. It worked for me because he worked with me. He pushed me to think about what I was showing—what it looked like, not just what it felt like.[53]

Manuel was gaining traction in making work for others. Another instance is his major group work Monte (1987). Exuberantly danced to Mozart’s delightful Divertimento in E Flat Major, it had none of the darkness he inherited from Sanasardo. It was so successful that Ballet Hispanico asked to mount it the following year. In the video of that company performing Monte, one can see that the dancers swept across the stage in an organic flow, reaching peaks of joy along the way. The opening section swirled with pools and eddies of motion that, in their uplift, were worthy of Mozart. A motif of planting in the earth recurred throughout, along with the more airborne soaring, reminding us that all life starts in the earth. The second, quiet section, with one woman sitting alone as others make a chain around her, deepened the sense of humanity. The third movement ended with strong, energetic moving tableaux that lavished attention to individuals as well as the group. New York Times critic Jennifer Dunning called Monte “a rich, churning chain of movers toward the light.”[54]

When asked about the origin of Monte, Alum spoke about the spirituality of Mozart and mountain:

I listen to Mozart always as more like being in a  mountain…There are certain truths that are universal, that people all share no matter where they’re from, what country, or what they do. There’s a spirituality that a mountain has, the spiral ascending. I also had read about that from Jetsun Milarepa, the eleventh-century philosopher, who spoke a great deal about this spiral ascending. [Constantin] Brancusi also spoke a great deal about that. I’ve always been attracted to that. It is spiritual because it shows people dealing and living and working and having deep joy and having sadness, experiencing all the odd experiences. Putting that together and then trying to make a community of it was an interesting thing and I felt the music of Mozart was perfect for what I had in mind. Actually, I think my early dances had the seeds and I’m just right now growing, blossoming those early seeds. So there is a signature in all the more than fifty pieces that I have done, they all have the same kind of, as I say, religiosity.[55]

From what I’ve seen, Alum embraced two kinds of religiosity in his works. One kind, as in Monte, is connected with nature and/or music. The other strain is more specifically aligned with religious symbols. An example is The Offering (1969), in which the central male figure is lifted up by his two white-garbed (angelic) female assistants. When he spreads his arms wide, he’s the suffering Christ figure. In the many lists Alum made in his notebooks, the crucifix and Christianity crop up often. Other hints are words like pieta, confessions, Magdalena, La Penitentas, purgatory, and angels. As he wrote in his notebook, certain pieces deal directly with religion, whether his own or faiths of different cultures. Those he listed are The Offering, East to Nijinsky (1970, which is danced to a Hebrew chant), Yamaya (based on a Yoruban deity), Woman of the Mystic Body, and Of Wings I Lack (with the aforementioned crucifix).”[56]

Max Waldman’s Photo Interpretation, TDR, page 10

I would submit that when Alum’s spirituality is engaged with nature, as in Monte or the much earlier Nightbloom, the piece is more successful than when his spirituality is more literally about Christianity or other religions. Although his notebooks are filled with lists of religious references and events, he has also compiled lists of words like homophobia, abortion, sexual freedom, and sexual hypocrisy. He had a fraught relationship with the church, as would any gay Catholic man, especially during the AIDS epidemic. In 1986, he may have already been diagnosed with AIDS; if not, he certainly had friends who had been. In his notebook he wrote the following dedication for his solo, Saeta al Gran Poder:

I dedicate this work to those that, today, when they most need compassion, in the face of death, are told by the dominant voice of the religious community that their “disease” is punishment for a sinful way of life. As well as the 30,000 persons that were tortured and killed in Argentina [during the military dictatorship 1976–1983], the millions of the holocaust of Nazi Germany and to many throughout history that looked up for help to the church while it stayed silent.[57]

This solo, which he performed in 1987 at Washington Square Methodist Church on the same program with Monte, was not visibly about AIDS or any other form of affliction. But he wore a very different look than earlier solos; he allowed his Hispanic heritage to seep through. Instead of wearing a form-fitting leotard as in most of his previous solos, he wore a black head scarf, loose-fitting ruby red shirt and black pants, looking like a Latino youth you’d see on the street. And it’s one of his best solos. His arms hang loosely and his shoulders start to shake to the recorded voice of Manolo Caracol. He gradually builds, letting each movement change from the inside, sometimes slowly, sometimes suddenly. There’s a truth to this solo—no dancerly posing, no conquering the space—that makes it satisfying to watch, even on video—which is unexpectedly ironic considering the tearing realization that the church betrayed the people afflicted.

Undated photo from Facebook page of Image Quilt Cinema

The following year, 1988, Manuel decided to explore his Latino heritage further. He premiered C.O.C.A. (Collage of Central America), as part of Hispanic Heritage Month at the Triplex Performing Arts Center at Borough of Manhattan Community College. The six countries he focused on were El Salvador, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala and Mexico. In his notebook he sketched a floor plan for each. According to Jack Anderson’s review in the New York Times, there were scenes of beggars, revolutionaries, and prisoners.[58] Alum dedicated this piece to “all hostages, prisoners and innocent people who are incarcerated daily throughout the world.”[59] In his notebook, he referenced the Mexican revolution of 1910, which had been reflected in Mexican artist Diego Rivera’s murals. Related to that, he jotted down this equation: “Sex, machismo, tragedy = Mexico.” The notebooks reveal a restlessly active, enquiring mind, and the courage to confront suffering head on.

One further observation about his notebooks: Voluminous lists of action verbs, of physical qualities, and Concepts and Ideas, show flecks of humor. One list includes “Yemaya to Mountain,” “Spontaneity with precision,” and “Blow job and women’s diagonal.” He also sprinkled his jottings with references to artistic figures like painters Marc Chagall and Odilon Redon and literary figures Henry James and Ezra Pound.

I’ve discussed only a few of Alum’s more than fifty works. To give you an idea of the diversity of his full oeuvre, I point to a smattering of other titles: ToGetHer (1976), an inventive duet that was both combative and tender;  Deadlines (1975), a romp to Bach wherein the lead male dancer dons a dress; Roly Poly (1970), which depicts the dancers as children with many toys; and a stream of dream pieces called the R.E.M. series. Some of these are haunting in their slow, unaccented, dreamlike quality.

While Alum was not at all part of the post-moderns, he felt an affinity with experimental composers like Pauline Oliveros and Yoshi Wada, who were influenced by John Cage’s philosophy that any sound can be music. Manuel applied that concept when he made Steps — A Construction (1979), in which he used the jarring, scraping sounds of a huge Alexander Calder sculpture being moved from one place to another. The composer he met in Japan, Akio Suzuki, was a pioneering sound artist.[60] Like Cage, Suzuki uses objects—a bottle, a funnel, a slinky—to make sounds. Manuel did not follow the Merce Cunningham/John Cage method of separating the creation of music and dance, but he liked composers who were adventurous with finding new sounds.

Another way that Manuel departed from the Sokolow/Sanasardo lineage is that he occasionally used improvisation in performance. Improvising onstage was common with jazz musicians, but not with dancers. The only dance groups that improvised regularly in the Seventies were the Grand Union, made up of Judson postmoderns,[61] and Dianne McIntyre’s Sounds in Motion, which united dancers and jazz musicians. You may recall that Sybil Shearer, the modern dance soloist who inspired Alum, was an improvisor. Possibly with her example as a challenge, he improvised for a small audience at Washington Square Methodist Church in Greenwich Village in 1974. His collaborator, Eugene Lester, who had accompanied dance classes and composed for Sanasardo, played the organ. From the video, one can see that Alum explored the spaces of the church and Lester’s music with great imagination.

Poster for BAM, 1973

Why has Alum, so talented and transcendent in some ways, fallen into the “forgotten” bin of dance history? Going back to Barnes’ conjecture that this young dance artist had major potential, what happened to that potential? He choreographed more than fifty works, which elicited a range of responses. The many videos from his choreographic trajectory show that his craft, range, and audacity were sustained consistently. But most of the works, except for The Cellar and Monte, did not have a lasting impact. It has occurred to me that he could have used a guiding voice or dramaturg to strengthen his choreography. In fact, some critics have suggested something similar. Kitty Cunningham said the program she saw at Jacob’s Pillow “needed some judicious pruning.” Jennifer Dunning, writing in the New York Times, pointed to a “lack of focus” in his later works.[62] Aaron Cohen, writing for Gaysweek, was fascinated by Alum’s short Dream R.E.M. pieces, but felt the program as a whole didn’t quite work. “He can undoubtedly use a friendly adviser out front to counsel him about the overall arc of his program.”[63]

Another factor was that there was a shift in aesthetics around that time. The explosion of experimentation known as Judson Dance Theater, just a few blocks south of the Studio for Dance, questioned the existing aesthetics and structures of modern dance. As audience taste shifted away from the expressionism of Graham and Sokolow (just as, in visual art there was a shift away from Abstract Expressionism toward Minimalism), they were drawn toward either Alvin Ailey (loosely labeled “Black dance”) or Merce Cunningham (loosely labeled “abstract” dance). The expressionistic, angst-ridden style of Graham and Limón eventually was perceived as heavy-handed. Twyla Tharp and Trisha Brown were coming up at that time, each with a different mode of distinctive contemporaneity. Alum’s work, along with that of many modern dancers, started looking strained compared to the looseness of Tharp and Brown.

To my eye, his solo Saeta al Gran Poder, opened a fresh approach, with a more relaxed body carriage and an improvisational attitude. Part of the tragedy of Alum dying so young is that it’s possible he could have developed further in that direction. Although he had a distinctive movement vocabulary, his pieces were sometimes perceived as following in the style of Sanasardo, whose work threw a blanket of sometimes sinister darkness over everything. As Borek suggested in his 1971 Dance Magazine review, “I hope that Alum’s choreographic pursuits do not forever parallel Sanasardo’s notion of dance, powerful though it is, but that he arrives at a more unique expression of himself.”[64] A counter opinion to Borek’s perception was held by Diane Germaine, who felt that Manuel’s work was basically physical while Paul’s work was basically theatrical.[65] In any case, I think that after Alum had been to Japan, his work acquired new influences. During a lec-dem in Japan, he said, “Pure movement can be the subject itself. Just moving through space can say something that words cannot.”[66]

———————

In the late 1980s or early ’90s, Alum was stricken with the AIDS virus. In that condition, he still pulled off his last commission. He was sent by the Asia Society to Malaysia in 1991 to produce a dance, as he had done after his Japan visit a decade earlier. For Made in Malaysia: A Shamanic Journey, he gathered Malaysian performers and basically allowed them to dance as they would in their communities. The New York Times critic Anna Kisselgoff reviewed the piece, which appeared as part of the 1991 New York International Festival of the Arts: “Mr. Alum selected the artists in Malaysia and collaborated with them on a performance that used their idiom as an expressive language extended into a contemporary presentation.…the traditional-contemporary fusion was somewhat self-conscious but never less than beautiful.”[67]

Manuel Alum photo Zachary Freyman for Dance Magazine, 1969

Margaret (Margie) Beals, Alum’s neighbor and friend, visited him in his loft. In this Vimeo she tells her story about Manuel:  “In his exotic mode, he served me a Japanese cup of tea and told me that he was sick and wouldn’t survive.”[68] She was surprised that he took on the Malaysia project when he was so frail. She knew he needed to rest, so she offered for him to stay at a large empty house her family owned in Cape Cod. He enjoyed it there, soaking up sun and sand in his weakness. Then she arranged for Manuel to go home to Puerto Rico to his mother. She received this postcard, written on his 50th birthday: “Dear Margie, I spoke to you from Puerto Rico. I hope you heard me. It was beautiful, strange feeling, difficult. For me, 1993 is made of 525,600 minutes, and I intend to make the most out of each one of them…God is within me, for I made it so far, and I know I will make the most of it.”[69] And then he seemed to be inviting her to come down to Puerto Rico: “Come on Margie, Come. Time is short! And life is so amazing!”

¶¶¶

Special thanks to the dancers I interviewed and to Denivia Rivera an Khara Hanlon. And of course, thanks to the Jerome Robbins Dance Division of the NY Public Library for the Performing Arts, which holds such treasures in relation to Manuel Alum and many other dance artists.

 

Selected Bibliography

Franko, Mark. Excursion for Miracles: Paul Sanasardo, Donya Feuer and Studio for Dance (1955–1964).

 

Footnotes

[1] Margaret Beals, Pathways: Manuel Alum, 1998. Website video.

[2] Mark Franko, Excursion for Miracles: Paul Sanasardo, Donya Feuer and Studio for Dance (1955–1964), 176 N 23.

[3] Zita Allen, “Alum: the precision of a falcon,” The Chelsea-Clinton News, January 1972.

[4] Linda Winer, “Alum: A Wizard of Mind and Body,” Chicago Tribune, January 16, 1974.

[5] Franko. Excursion for Miracles, 176 N 23.

[6] Jennifer Dunning, “A Choreographic Collage ‘Made in Japan,’” New York Times, October 31, 1980.

[7] Lecture demonstration, Tokyo, 1979, MGZDIF 7752.

[8] Marguerite Oerlemans-Bunn, “The Body Cannot Lie: Manuel Alum on the Creative Process,” 80 Grados Prensasinprisa, Publicado, 11 de Abril de 2020, accessed August 20, 2024.

[9] Quoted in Franko, Excursion for Miracles, 30.

[10] Franko, Excursion for Miracles, 10.

[11] Franko, Excursion for Miracles, 87.

[12] Lecture demonstration, Tokyo, 1979, MGZDIF 7752.

[13] Don McDonagh, “Manuel Alum Offers Dark‐Hued Dances With Hint of Humor,New York Times, August 18, 1974, 40.

[14] Clive Barnes, “Dance: New Choreographer Arrives,” New York Times, November 23, 1970, 47. Accessed August 23, 2024.

[15] Don McDonagh, “Manuel Alum Offers Dark-Hued Dances.”

[16] Tom Borek, review, Dance Magazine, January 1971, 74.

[17] Email to author, September 27, 2024.

[18] Barnes, “Dance: New Choreographer Arrives”

[19] Barnes, “Dance: New Choreographer,”

[20] Phone interview with author, September 30, 2024.

[21] Doris Hering, “A Darkening Pond: Paul Sanasardo Reviewed,” Dance Magazine, August 1971, 73.

[22]  Phone interview with author, October 1, 2024.

[23] Phone interview with Diane Germaine, September 30, 2024.

[24] Omonike Akinyei, “Manuel Alum…Close to the Earth,” a presentation at the NY Public Library for the Performing Arts, December 4, 2023.

[25] Akinyei, “Manuel Alum…Close to the Earth.”

[26] Zoom with the author, October 3, 2024.

[27] Zoom meeting with author, October 3, 2024

[28] Phone interview with the author, October 1, 2024.

[29] At the age of 18, Pina Bausch had a government grant from Germany to study at Juilliard for one year. Antony Tudor, one of her teachers there, suggested that she might like to work with Sanasardo. So in the fall of 1959, in addition to a full load at Juilliard, she went downtown to rehearse, and even collaborate with Sanasardo and Feuer. She performed in their evening at the 92nd Street Y in December, 1959. She extended her time in New York an additional year. For more on that crucial period in her life, see my historical essay about Pina Bausch in that period.

[30] Jennifer Dunning, “Alum Dancers at BAMspace offer ‘W.O.M.B—Pray for Us,’” New York Times, December 3, 1973.

[31] Clive Barnes, “Dance: Alum Company,” New York Times, December 16, 1972, accessed June 8, 2024

[32] Deborah Jowitt, “I Ate the Whole Thing,” Village Voice, December 28, 1972, 24-26.

[33] Jowitt, “I Ate,” 24.

[34] Zoom with the author, October 3, 2024.

[35] Phone interview with the author, June 14, 2024.

[36] Phone interview with the author.

[37] Phone interview with the author.

[38] Tom Johnson, “The American Dance Festival at Connecticut College,” Village Voice, August 1, 1974, Courtesy Ira Taxin.

[39] Rose Ann Thom, “Innovation or Inundation,” Dance Magazine, October 1974, 22.

[40] Oerlemans-Bunn, “The Body Cannot Lie.”

[41] Oerlemans-Bunn, “The Body Cannot Lie.”

[42] Quoted in Jennifer Dunning, “A Choreographic Collage.”

[43] Henry Scott Stokes, “Manuel Alum Discovers a Difference in Cultures,” Special to the New York Times, October 21, 1979, 60. Accessed October 6, 2024.

[44] Stokes, “Manuel Alum Discovers.”

[45] Call number *MGZIC 9-4849, Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NY Public Library for the Performing Arts.

[46] Francis Mason, broadcast of “New York at Night,” WQXR Radio, November 2, 1981, found in Manuel Alum Papers, Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NY Public Library for the Performing Arts.

[47] Mason, “New York at Night.”

[48] Lillie F. Rosen, “Reviews,” Dance News, February 1981, 11.

[49] Originally posted on Facebook, confirmed on email to author, November 13, 2024.

[50] Jennifer Dunning, “A Choreographic Collage.”

[51] Dunning, “A Choreographic Collage.”

[52] Phone interview with author October 7, 2024.

[53] E-mail with author, February 12, 2026.

[54] Jennifer Dunning, “Dance: Alum’s ‘Monte,’” New York Times, June 26, 1987, C10.

[55] Oerlemans-Bunn,“The Body Cannot Lie.”

[56] Manuel Alum Papers, c. 1970–1991. (S) *MGZMD 95-3, Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NY Public Library for the Performing Arts.

[57] Manuel Alum Papers.

[58] Jack Anderson, “Central American Tensions,” New York Times, November 14, 1988. Accessed October 18, 2024.

[59] Quoted in Anderson, “Central American Tensions.”

[60] An example of Akio Suzuki’s music was recorded at Issue Project Room in 2016, accessed November 11, 2024.

[61] Wendy Perron, The Grand Union: Accidental Anarchists of Downtown Dance, 1970–1976. Explains how this legendary improvisation group emerged from Judson Dance Theater.

[62] Jennifer Dunning, “Alum Dancers at BAMSpace.”

[63] Aaron Cohen, “Hype, Hope, and Hooray,” Gaysweek, March 5, 1979, 13.

[64] Tom Borek, review of Manuel Alum, Dance Magazine, January 1971.

[65] Diane Germaine interview with the author, September 30, 2024.

[66] Lecture-demonstration in Tokyo, 1979.

[67] Anna Kisselgoff, “Dance View: Extraordinary Experimentation from Overseas,” New York Times, June 30, 1991.

[68] Interview with the author, September 23, 2024.

[69] Quoted in “Pathways: Manuel Alum” by Margaret Beals, 1998,

Like this Unsung Heroes of Dance History 4

Archives: “What Wendy’s Watching”

A few years ago, as editor at large for Dance Magazine, I was asked to produce short video previews of exciting dance happening in the NYC area. Along with video producer Kelsey Grills, I created 37 “What Wendy’s Watching” from September of 2017 to December of 2018. I had fun with this because I love all the dance houses where we filmed these, and I tried to give a bit of context with each preview. Actually not all were previews. Occasionally I commented on an event that already happened. I am posting the links here because they are hard to find on the Internet. The following are roughly in chronological order:

Dance Now at Joe’s Pub, including clips of works by Jane Comfort and Sara Pearson, Sept. 2017

20 Fall for Dance Companies in 2 Minutes, Sept. 2017

Chatting with the Stars at the Chita Rivera Awards, Al Hirschfeld Theatre, Sept. 2017

Eiko’s Haunting Vision Comes to the Metropolitan Museum, Nov. 2017

Nora Chipaumire Comes to Alliance Française, Sept. 2017

Anne Teresa de Keersmaeker Tackles Coltrane at NYLA, Sept. 2017

Twyla Brings Old and New to the Joyce, Oct. 2017

The 3 Best Moments of NYCB fall season, including Tiler Peck’s debut in Swan Lake

Can The Red Shoes Ever Be Contemporary? NY City Center, Nov. 2017

David Dorfman Portrays Tenderness and Hope at BAM’s Next Wave, NOv. 2017

Stepping into Black History with Step Afrika! New Victory Theater

Trisha Brown’s Rarely Performed Works at the Joyce, Dec. 2017

Jamar Roberts’ New Work, Members Don’t Get Weary, for Ailey, Dec. 2017

Kota Yamazaki at Baryshnikov Art Center, with Mina Nishimura, Dec. 2017 

Michelle Dorrance Brings New Work to the Joyce, Dec. 2017

Jodi Melnick and Sara Mearns at Works & Process, Jan. 2018

A Blast from Molissa Fenley’s Past at the Kitchen, Jan. 2018

NYCB Reprises Mauro Bigonzetti’s Immigrant Ballet, Oltremare, Jan. 2018

Arthur Mitchell Blazes a Ballet Trail, exhibit curated by Lynn Garafola, Columbia University, Jan. 2018

Wayne McGregor’s Genome-Inspired Autobiography, at the Joyce, March 2018

Stephen Petronio Straddles Past and Present at the Joyce, April 2018

The Edgy, Ancient Magic of Meredith Monk, at BAM Harvey Theater, March 2018

Gibney Dance Company at Gibney Space, May 2018

Mark Dendy’s Elvis Everywhere, NY Live Arts, May 2018

What Makes Robbins’ Glass Pieces So Powerful? NYCB, May 2018

Women Choreographers at Ailey This Week: Jamison and Zollar, June 2018

Ishmael Houston-Jones’ Them, About the Danger and Fears of AIDS, at P.S. NY, June 2018

Translucent Borders, with Dancers from Ghana, Cuba, Israel, Palestine, and the U.S., at NYU, June 2018

Tap City’s Rhythm in Motion, Symphony Space, July 2018.

Batsheva Youth Ensemble in Naharin’s Virus at the Joyce, July 2018

Sarasota Ballet Brings 2 Ashton Ballets + Marcelo Gomes to the Joyce, Aug. 2018

Bill T. Jones’ 6-Hour, 3-Part Trilogy at the Skirball, Aug. 2018

Boris Charmatz’s 1000 Gestures at the Skirball, Sept. 2018

The Adrenaline Rush of Tharp’s In the Upper Room, Now Returning to ABT, Oct. 2018

James Whiteside Explores His Creepy Side in Arthur Pita’s The Tenant, the Joyce, Nov. 2018

Ailey Celebrates Its 60th Anniversary with Works by Ron K. Brown, Wayne McGregor, and Jessica Lange, NY City Center, Dec. 2018

The Judson Revolution Comes to the Museum of Modern Art, Dec 2018–Feb 2019

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Exploring Possible/Impossible Technologies with Moving Bodies

The legendary 1966 series 9 Evenings: Theatre & Engineering involved nine interdisciplinary artists. When a 2024 exhibit at the Getty looked back at this landmark event, curator Nancy Perloff invited me to write about the four dance artists who contributed. (Also in that series were John Cage, Robert Rauschenberg, Alex Hay, Robert Whitman, David Tudor, and Öyvind Fahlström.) This text is reproduced from the exhibition catalog Sensing the Future: Experiments in Art and Technology (E.A.T.), edited by Nancy Perloff and Michelle Kuo © 2024 J. Paul Getty Trust.

“Looking back at 9 Evenings allows a glimpse of the wild imagination that fueled a burgeoning alternative to conventional concert dance.”

When given the opportunity to work with engineers from Bell Telephone Laboratories, four dance artists—Steve Paxton, Yvonne Rainer, Lucinda Childs, and Deborah Hay—welcomed the chance. They were all living in or near SoHo, the New York City neighborhood where artists of different disciplines were blurring genre boundaries in a spirit of collaboration. Billy Klüver, the physicist and engineer who helped instigate 9 Evenings: Theatre & Engineering, told the artists to ask for anything they wanted—or could imagine—and that his team of engineers would try to invent what didn’t yet exist. The final series, with ten artists’ works (each one performed twice), took place at the massive 69th Regiment Armory in New York in October 1966.

Flyer for 9 Evenings

Each of the dance artists had a different fantasy about what would be possible. But there was one wish they all seemed to share. Julie Martin, director of Experiments in Art and Technology (E.A.T.), recalled, with only slight exaggeration, that when Klüver asked the artists to state their desires, “Everybody wanted to float.”[1]

 

The Influence of John Cage, Robert Dunn, and Simone Forti

It’s true that all four dance pieces had a component that defied gravity. But it’s also true that they stayed grounded, task-like, insistently mundane. These four dance artists valued the ordinary realm that Robert Dunn had encouraged a few years earlier. A disciple of John Cage, Dunn taught a composition class at Merce Cunningham’s studio from 1960 to 1962, breaking open the possibilities of what a dance could be. As Rainer said recently, Cage “was constantly broadening what was acceptable as art.”[2] Embracing the ordinary was a way to pay attention to what was present, what was real, to notice the life around you.

Like Cage, Dunn was deeply influenced by Zen Buddhism; he fostered an environment where the students felt free to experiment, unjudged. Paxton, Rainer, Childs, and Hay were all part of that class, and visual artists like Robert Rauschenberg and Robert Morris often visited the sessions. The ensuing explosion of activity led to the groundbreaking collective Judson Dance Theater, so named because the place that welcomed this band of renegades was Judson Memorial Church in Greenwich Village.

Simone Forti was also in that class. After about five years of improvising with Anna Halprin in California, she was familiar with the practice of making dances based on scores, lean structures to be fleshed out by the performers in their own ways. It was the encounter between Halprin’s approach to tasks in natural settings on the West Coast and the more structured approach of Dunn that led Forti to create Dance Constructions in 1961.[3] In these short works, Forti paired motion and object such that each was necessary to the other. For example, Slant Board (1961) conjoined an object—a 45-degree angled wooden surface with ropes attached—with the performers’ task of traversing that steeply sloping surface while holding the ropes to keep from falling. Neither the construction nor the task made sense without the other. Forti considered these pieces to be both dance and sculpture.

Dance Constructions can be seen as a precursor to 9 Evenings, which could almost have been called Advanced Dance Constructions or Dance Constructions’ Leap into Science Fiction. Although Forti was not one of the four dance artists “commissioned”[4] for the Armory event, she was in some ways a presiding spirit. Rainer and Paxton had performed in her Dance Constructions, which had opened up new ways of exploring the physicality of motion.[5] For the Armory event, Forti, who was married to performance/theater/media artist Robert Whitman at the time, became the person responsible for keeping track of the meetings and writing reports.

Forti’s observation that 9 Evenings was more of a way station than a point of arrival is well taken. None of the dance pieces was a finished, repeatable product. There was never a dress rehearsal that integrated the technology with the choreography. Further, no one was trying to make a work that was recognizable as art. As Paxton said while describing Marcel Duchamp’s influence, “It was almost that our art of those times was anything that did not look like any art that had happened.”[6] (I don’t think it was lost on Paxton or anyone else that Duchamp shattered existing notions of art at the same armory in 1913.)

Cage’s concept of the permeability of art and life infused these works, and along with that came a certain acceptance of messiness. Forti described it to me in terms of the changing goals of literature: “In fiction there’s probably less interest in a story that gets wrapped up in the end with some kind of punchline. [There was] a leaning toward having things open. . . . It was kind of a philosophical need John Cage filled.”[7] Forti wrote during the planning process: “I’m beginning to feel that the main function of the performances is not so much the presentation of art pieces, but a step towards the creation of a situation that will later be important to the making of art.”[8]

Cage and Dunn embraced the Bauhaus idea of using available materials. If you have copper handy, you use copper, not gold. If you have paper clips handy, you make a necklace out of them and do not wait for diamonds. For the Armory project, there was a shift away from this idea to dreaming bigger and imagining the possibilities of new technologies, even though there were bound to be “techno-hiccups” along the way.

Influence does not always involve a direct connection. As Forti speculated, groundwork for the future was being laid. Stephan Koplowitz, the longtime explorer of site-specific work and author of On Site: Methods for Site-Specific Performance Creation (2022), was a student at Wesleyan University in the late 1970s. In a recent conversation, he recalled the excitement he felt when learning about 9 Evenings: “When I read about 9 Evenings at Wesleyan, it blew my mind. It was the Holy Grail. It made me wonder, What is possible? How can we combine technology and the body and still keep our humanity? Technology and human bodies are blurring now. 9 Evenings was the beginning of that.”[9]

All four dance artists, plus Forti, sustained long international careers almost entirely outside the proscenium stage. Looking back at 9 Evenings allows a glimpse of the wild imagination that fueled a burgeoning alternative to conventional concert dance.

 

Steve Paxton’s Physical Things

For Physical Things, Paxton used clear polyethylene sheets to build a gigantic maze that the critic Lucy Lippard called “a series of billowing tunnels” attached to a hundred-foot-tall tower.[10] “I was drawn to the inflatability of the material,” Paxton wrote, “and that you could make shapes with it and change your perception of the space.”[11] Paxton had been experimenting with plastic inflatables since 1963. On 29 January of that year, he performed Word Words, a collaborative duet with Rainer, in silence, at Judson Memorial Church. The next night he created Music for Word Words, which he conceived as accompaniment for the duet the night before. He started Music for Word Words standing inside a room-sized bubble that had been inflated by an industrial vacuum cleaner. He simply deflated the plastic until it shrank to drape over his body like a rumpled suit. He used polyethylene again for The Deposits (1965), which included an inflated plastic armchair at Kutsher’s Hotel and Country Club in upstate New York that Paxton and Hay batted around with big paddles. Another instance was Earth Interior (1966), for which he created a hundred-foot tunnel with side passages in a skating rink in Washington, D.C.

In Physical Things, audience members had to pass through this structure, and along the way they could perceive other people ahead of them. Seen through the plastic dividers, those figures looked hazy and ungrounded—floating, as if in a fog. Spectators also encountered bizarre sights like limbs of performers that protruded from a dark mound—“highly surrealistic in effect.”[12] As they exited the last “room,” each audience member was given a wireless radio handset so they could hear voices and sounds coming from a layer of sound loops overhead. As they changed locations, they could assemble their own sequence of sounds. In the documentary film,[13] we hear a snippet about the astronaut John Glenn’s trip to outer space, which was uncannily apt.[14]

Paxton’s Physical Things; photo by Peter Moore showing an overview of large inflated air structures from the balcony behind the control booth, Getty Research Institute

The Armory was the last site of Paxton’s love affair with polyethylene. The outgassing chemicals hadn’t bothered him before, but by 1966 he had become aware of their toxicity. Noting that hordes of people had passed through his plastic enclosures, he was just a tiny bit rueful on the phone: “It was toxic. They were just subtly poisoned. Sorry, everybody.”[15]

 

Yvonne Rainer’s Carriage Discreteness

For Rainer, the many tasks and objects in Carriage Discreteness were typical of her work at the time—for instance, the red rubber balls in Terrain (1963), mattresses in Room Service (1963) and Parts of Some Sextets (1965), and various weighted objects like paper and bubble-wrap in The Mind Is a Muscle (1966)—but more elaborate in terms of space and mechanics. She gathered a wide array of differently weighted objects that included—at least in the plan—one hundred wooden slats, one hundred foam slats, six mattresses, five pieces of paper, two elevator weights, and five Styrofoam beams donated by the sculptor Carl Andre (who also performed in the piece).[16]

Rainer split most of the actions into two kinds of events: performers moving objects to specific spots on the floor, and mechanically activated events like movie fragments, slide projections, light changes, closeups on TV monitors, and a small plexiglass globe guided by an elevated pulley across the space—all planned to happen in a prescribed sequence. During the performance, Rainer was sitting high on a balcony, directing the performers to carry an object, one at a time, and place it in one of twenty rectangles marked on the floor. The performers were receiving her messages through a walkie-talkie attached to either a shoulder or a wrist. Perhaps because they were intent on hearing the instructions, they wore a bit of a zombie look. Rainer later regretted her elevated perch. In her autobiography, she wrote that she was “in the remote balcony overlooking the 200 x 200-foot performing area like a sultan surveying his troops on a vast marching field.”[17] She could have given her performers the freedom to make their own choices, which undoubtedly would have made for a livelier performance. “But no,” she wrote, “I had to exercise my controlling directorial hand.”

Yvonne Rainer’s Carriage Discreteness, Peter Moore’s photo shows the vast Armory, the objects on the floor, a freestanding screen, and Steve Paxton swinging from the rafters.

(Rainer had another reason for bad memories of this evening. In the wee hours after the first performance, she was struck with a medical disaster that almost killed her. She was rushed to the hospital and operated on immediately. For the second night of Carriage Discreteness, Morris, who was her romantic partner at the time, stepped into her role as “sultan” and things went smoothly. But it took months for Rainer to recuperate from a severe intestinal blockage replete with gangrene and peritonitis.[18])

In 1966, Rainer was soon to migrate from performance to film, and Carriage Discreteness foreshadowed that shift. The film elements included clips of the actors W. C. Fields and James Cagney projected onto a large, freestanding screen and the audiotape of a conversation between a man and a woman about a film. This dialogue, originally between Rainer and Morris, and vocalized by Childs and William Davis, suggests that talking about films can be as seductive as watching a film.

Despite the diffuse quality—and the fact that on the first night the mechanical events had been accidentally programmed backwards (!)—Carriage Discreteness had two spectacular moments. The first was when, in a clip from the film The Old Fashioned Way (1934), Fields is precariously balancing a pile of cigar boxes when a man in his audience throws a ball that topples the boxes. Suddenly, the huge screen in the Armory broke apart and crumbled to the floor in big chunks. What was two-dimensional vaudeville self-destructed in a real, three-dimensional way. Forti remembers it vividly: “Suddenly the parts came apart and it fell down in parts. It was quite beautiful, quite loud, quite surprising.”[19]

The other highlight of Carriage Discreteness—this is where floating came in—was Paxton sitting on a swing that soared out into the upper reaches of the 120-foot-high Armory. He wasn’t pumping his legs (that was “forbidden,” he said);[20] rather, he just let the action subside after the first big push. For Paxton, it was a stimulating kinetic experience: “The initial swoop of the swing was great, but what was best was that the piece lasted long enough that . . . the swing just died down. It got smaller and smaller and smaller and smaller till I could barely tell I was moving. I was going a little bit forward and a little bit back and no sense of arc at all, and that was incredible. That was like a revelation.”[21]

Fast forward to Rainer’s recent work, Hellzapoppin’: What about the Bees (2022), in which the performance area was also split into two parts, with dancers on stage right and film projections on stage left. When reminded of this congruence with Carriage Discreteness, Rainer said, “I guess I’m interested in a field of activity where you can’t take it all in, you have to choose where you focus your attention.”[22]

 

Lucinda Childs’s Vehicle

Childs, who had given a brilliant, absurdist cast to choreographing with objects (for instance, in her 1964 solo Carnation, she manipulated sponges and other domestic objects to hilarious effect), knew from the beginning that she wanted to experiment with the Doppler sonar device. To elicit sound from the invisible sonar beam, Childs stood among three hanging, sand-filled buckets, guiding them in circular motion. (These red buckets were part of the sprinkler system required of every SoHo loft. As Childs quipped, they were “stolen from the fire department.”[23]) Hanging at just the right level to be intercepted by the sonar beam, the buckets created a sound that Klüver called “a swishing noise like wind blowing through a forest.”[24]

Lucinda Childs’ Vehicle, Peter Moore photo showing William Davis and Alex Hay, left, inside plexiglass enclosure, Childs at right with buckets, Getty Research Institute

The piece began with a floating plexiglass cube, airborne via old-fashioned methods: suspended from a scaffold and rotated by the currents of an electric fan. This cube bobbed in the air, with a lightbulb inside it, at about eye level. A larger, phonebooth-sized plexiglass enclosure, with Alex Hay inside, was air-cushioned from below with what Klüver called a “ground-effects machine.”[25] It didn’t work quite the way they had planned, so William Davis (a dancer with Cunningham’s company) helped steer it in order to deliver the three red buckets to Childs. To extend the action outward, the sound from the sonar beam was amplified by twenty speakers, and images and shadows of the objects were projected onto three screens.[26]

Childs was happy with at least two of the components: the variety of sounds elicited by the swinging buckets and the oscilloscope that projected the image of the sounds onto one of the screens.[27] However, the process of trying to put it all together in her loft was “frightening because nothing really totally came together until the time of the performance.”[28]

 

Deborah Hay’s solo

Although Deborah Hay’s solo[29] also had technical problems, it’s probably the one dance piece that created a cogent aesthetic effect. With dancers gliding by on individual remote-controlled platforms, it was otherworldly, like traveling on a moon rover. Hay was studying tai chi at the time, which gave the movement of the performers a spare steadiness. She was also influenced by the stillness she saw in traditional Japanese performing arts like bugaku (dance) and bunraku (puppet theater). At times one person would lie prone on a rolling platform, creating an almost morgue-like effect. At other times performers were walking alone or in groups of two or three. Long, translucent plastic sheets were hung in front of the audience, rendering the sixteen dancers (including herself) quite distant, as though seen through a frosty window. Hay didn’t want the audience to see the bodies clearly “but just to get almost like a mirage.”[30]

Hay’s written description focused on formal qualities: “Solo is a white, even, clear event in space. The performers are part of the space and light. . . . All movement is with the intention of maintaining a balance of order and evenness.”[31] The signaling system, however, only worked for about three platforms, so solo ended up having more walking than gliding. The dancers gradually walked in twos or threes without disturbing the calm.

Deborah Hay’s solo. Peter Moore photo showing D. Hay, at right atop platform, and Alex Hay, left, prone on platform, Getty Research Institute

Among those Hay recruited for her Armory piece were Robert Rauschenberg, the painter Marjorie Strider, and the sculptor Fujiko Nakaya.[32] They were three of the eight friends serving as remote-control operators, guiding the dancers on the rolling platforms. Hay called them “fake musicians,” because they were dressed formally in black, seated in a row, and “conducted” (or perhaps only given a starting flourish) by the composer James Tenney.[33] The real music was Funakakushi (1965) by Toshi Ichiyanagi, a protégé of Cage (and the ex-husband of Yoko Ono). David Tudor arranged for this richly textured electronic score to migrate from speaker to speaker, the effect being intermittent eruptions beneath the quietness.[34]

Deborah Ha’s solo

While Hay’s vision was cool and calm, her cast of characters came out of a warm, somewhat unruly environment: “What I used to do is teach free classes on Spring Street . . . several times a week and all these artists and artists’ friends and dancers would come, and I’d put on great music and half the people were stoned and we would dance for an hour.”[35]

 

An Unmoored Voice

There was one additional airborne element that did not come from any of the four choreographers. It came from the second performance of Rauschenberg’s Open Score. In a new concluding section, Rauschenberg picked up an unwieldy white sack and carried it from place to place. A beautiful, reverberating sound emanated from whatever he was carrying. It was the voice of Forti singing an Italian folk song from inside the bag. She was not amplified, but, with the six-second reverberation time of the Armory, her voice echoed hauntingly. As Lippard wrote, Forti sang “in a thin, clear, sweet voice that literally pierced the silence.”[36] According to Forti, “It was quite dreamlike to be in the sack singing.”[37]

 

Audience and Critical Reaction

The general sensibility of 9 Evenings was anti-narrative, which was part of the zeitgeist of Judson Dance Theater. That sensibility may not have translated well from a small church to a vast armory. In addition, there were long lulls due to technical problems. The performances were so low-key that the New York Times art critic Grace Glueck was able to quote a viewer saying, “Nothing’s happened yet” at the end of the first evening.[38] She also joked, with some detail, that the luminaries in the audience were more interesting than the performance. The Times dance critic, Clive Barnes, no friend of the avant-garde, called the second evening a “depressing spectacle.”[39]

Another problem was that a pro bono public relations firm had promised such a magical encounter that it backfired.[40] According to Rainer, “The whole thing was so pumped up to be a phenomenal event and the audience came with great expectations.”[41] When asked recently what they objected to, she said, “I remember they were outraged at the minimalist approach, a real letdown for them. They booed and clapped when something went on too long.”[42] Lippard confirmed that Carriage Discreteness, which she felt was one of the best works, “was greeted by the rudest audience reception.”[43]

On 13 October, Forti wrote in her report, “The audience was incensed. There was a feeling of disaster.” But, she added, “The history books are full of accounts of performances at which the audiences were incensed and that later were recognized to be important achievements.”[44] Touché!

 

Notes

[1]. “E.A.T.: Experiments in Art & Technology,1960–2001,” lecture by Julie Martin, Neukon Institute, Dartmouth College, 2013.

[2]. Yvonne Rainer, phone interview, 14 November 2022.

[3]. For more on Forti as a bridge between Halprin on the West Coast and Dunn in New York, see Wendy Perron, “Simone Forti: bodynatureartmovementbody,” in Radical Bodies: Anna Halprin, Simone Forti, and Yvonne Rainer in California and New York, 1955–1972, ed. Ninotchka Bennahum, Wendy Perron, and Bruce Robertson, exh cat. (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017), 88–119.

[4]. I put that word within quotation marks because, according to Julie Martin, there wasn’t enough money to pay the artists, even though Klüver and Rauschenberg, who had worked closely with Klüver to coordinate the whole series, raised a small amount of money to produce 9 Evenings.

[5]. For more on the specific ways Forti influenced Paxton and Rainer, see Perron, “Simone Forti,” 88–119.

[6]. Steve Paxton, “The Inflatables in the Age of Plastic” (transcript), ed. Tom Engels and Myriam Van Imschoot, 2019, Conversations in Vermont: Steve Paxton,

[7]. Simone Forti, phone interview with the author, 13 September 2022.

[8]. Forti, “A View of 9 Evenings,” 145.

[9]. Stephan Koplowitz, phone interview with author, 2 January 2023.

[10]. Lucy Lippard, “Total Theatre?,” in 9 Evenings Reconsidered: Art, Theater, and Engineering, 1966, ed. Catherine Morris, exh. cat. (Cambridge, MA: MIT List Visual Art Center, 2006), 71.

[11]. Paxton, “Inflatables,” 2019.

[12]. Lippard, “Total Theatre?,” 71.

[13]. 9 Evenings: Theatre & Engineering, directed by Barbro Schultz Lundestam, executive produced by Billy Klüver and Julie Martin (Lyon, France: Numeridanse, 2013), .

[14]. Colonel John Glenn was the first American to orbit Earth; he launched from Cape Canaveral on 20 February 1962. The many radio sounds for Physical Things were taped in advance.

[15]. Paxton, “Inflatables,” 2019.

[16]. See the list of objects in Yvonne Rainer, Work, 1961–1973 (Halifax: Press of the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1974), 303.

[17]. Yvonne Rainer, Feelings Are Facts (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013), 275–78.

[18]. Rainer, Feelings, 275–76.

[19]. Forti, interview 13 September 2022.

[20]. Steve Paxton, phone interview with author, 13 September 2022.

[21]. Paxton, phone interview, 13 September 2022.

[22]. Yvonne Rainer, phone interview with author, 14 November 2022.

[23]. Lucinda Childs, phone interview with author, 31 October 2022.

[24]. Billy Klüver, “9 Evenings: Theatre & Engineering; A Description of the Artists’ Use of Sound,” in Für Augen und Ohren: Von der Spieluhr zum akustischen Environment, ed. René Block (Berlin: Akademie der Künste Berlin, 1980).

[25]. Lucinda Childs, “Lucinda Childs: A Portfolio,” Artforum 11, no. 6 (1973): 56.

[26]. The sources for this description are my phone interview with Childs, e-mails with Julie Martin, and Childs, “Lucinda Childs: A Portfolio,” 50–56.

[27]. Mini-interview with Lucinda Childs, 9 Evenings, .

[28]. Childs, interview, 31 October 2022.

[29]. The title was probably based on Hay’s solo from 1965 called solo, performed at the New York Theatre Rally and at Rauschenberg’s loft. In this precursor she wore a cellophane garment and stood on a kind of skateboard.

[30]. Deborah Hay, phone interview with author, 6 September 2022.

[31]. Quoted in Klüver, “9 Evenings Theater,” 1980; and “9 Evenings: Theatre and Engineering,” Moderna Museet.

[32]. Fujiko Nakaya attended Hay’s dance sessions around the time she was painting clouds. She had met Rauschenberg when she translated for him in Japan in 1964 (during Merce Cunningham Dance Company’s  world tour). In 1970, Nakaya was invited by Klüver to make a fog sculpture for the exterior of the Pepsi-Cola Pavilion at Expo ’70 in Osaka. She also became an active member of E.A.T., heading up a branch in Tokyo. Nakaya created another fog sculpture for Opal Loop, her 1980 collaboration with Trisha Brown, which is one of Brown’s most acclaimed works.

[33]. Hay, interview, 6 September 2022.

[34]. Hay, interview, 6 September 2022; and Klüver, “9 Evenings,” 1980.

[35]. Hay, interview, 6 September 2022.

[36]. Lippard, “Total Theatre?,” 66.

[37]. Forti, interview, 13 September 2022.

[38]. Grace Glueck, “Arts and Engineering Are Mixing It Up at the Armory,” New York Times, 14 October 1966.

[39]. Clive Barnes, “Dance or Something at the Armory,” New York Times, 15 October 1966.

[40]. The publicity flier, created by the PR firm Ruder Finn, claims magical acts like “You will see without light . . . You will see dancers float in the air . . . You too will float.” Flier courtesy of Julie Martin.

[41]. Rainer, Feelings.

[42]. Yvonne Rainer, interview, 14 November 2022.

[43]. Lippard, “Total Theatre?,” 72.

[44]. Simone Forti, “A View of 9 Evenings: Theatre & Engineering,”

https://monoskop.org/images/8/8b/Forti_Simone_2015_A_View_of_9_Evenings_Theatre_and_Engineering.pdf  See also Clarisse Bardio, The Diagrams of 9 evenings Reconsidered: Art, Theatre, and Engineering, 1966” trans. Claire Grace  (Cambridge, MA: MIT List Visual Arts Center, 2006), 45-54 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02338052/document

 

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Notable Dance Books of 2025

Every year, I compile a list of the groovy dance books published that year. When I was writing the whole column myself, I posted short blurbs, much like the endorsements you see on the back covers of books. I tended to choose volumes that center dancers’ stories, because that’s what I love to read. Since 2022, when I started asking colleagues to help me in this endeavor, the blurbs grew into reviews, and the choices expanded too. I try to offer each colleague a book they might enjoy, and I hope you enjoy these recommendations too.

This year I am kicking off the column with two items that convey the monumental work of two of our greats: Martha Graham and George Balanchine. Both are visually spectacular while also making strong connections between past and present.

Btw, here’s some good news for readers: The American Dance Guild is organizing the second Dance Book Fair on March 29. The first one, last year, was a well-organized, festive event. It’s a great place to meet dance writers and to browse dance books published in the last 15 years.

 

Martha Graham Dance Company 100 Years
Produced by Ken Brower and Deborah Ory, NYC Dance Project
Introduction by Janet Eilber
Text by Peter Sparling
Black Dog and Leventhal Publishers

Reviewed by Wendy Perron

To celebrate the centennial of the oldest dance company in the country, The NYC Dance Project has produced a weighty book of starkly striking photos of twenty-four works by Martha Graham. As Janet Eilber writes in the introduction, “She taught us that when the body is stationary, the inner life can provide intense psychological movement—the growing fury, crushing grief, deepening desire, dawning recognition, or any number of emotional revelations that can stop us in our tracks. And in those moments, Martha wanted us to vibrate with intention that could be felt in the balcony of the theater while never moving a muscle.” These images do indeed vibrate. Almost each section starts with a historic photo that anchors us in the past. For example, Barbara Morgan’s iconic photo of Primitive Mysteries (1931), back when Martha herself was the sole figure, or Mary Hinkson as Circe (1933) by Anthony Crickmay. The current full-size photos of recent dancers like Lloyd Knight in El Penitente, Xin Ying in Imperial Gesture, and Peju Chien-Pott in Night Journey are simply magnificent. The black-and-white photos give a sense of volume and depth, while the color photos are vibrant but look less timeless.

That special kind of severe sculptural beauty of Graham dancers has lasted through the ages due, no doubt, to the strict technique classes. As you linger on each page, you could eventually get a sense of Graham’s psychological choreographic oeuvre over the century.

Some of the images place distinctive roles within a natural environment. Lloyd Knight and So Young An, shown in Circe on a rocky beach, bring out the danger of that story. Leslie Andrea Williams, posing in front of Noguchi’s fence in Frontier (1935), gives a different meaning to that dance, perhaps suggesting (optimistically) that a young Black woman could now survey the land with the same sense of hope that a young white woman did in 1935.

It’s satisfying that each of these great Graham works is represented by both the past and the present, thus implying a strong future. One could explain the magic with the famous Graham sound bite writ large on one of the early pages: “Dance is the hidden language of the soul.” Here’s to 100 years of dancing and watching that language.

 

In Balanchine’s Steps: How The George Balanchine Foundation Preserves His Genius
Photographs by Costas, Additional photographs by Brian Rushton
Designer and Photo Editor, Kyle Froman
Text Editor, Mindy Aloff
George Balanchine Foundation and TideMark

Reviewed by Barbara Forbes

This beautiful book documents the process of creating the Video Archives for the legacy of George Balanchine (1904–1983). Dancers who worked directly with the choreographer were invited to coach those who continue dancing his ballets in his absence. Thanks to former New York City Ballet dancer Nancy Reynolds, who brought the idea to Barbara Horgan, founder of the Balanchine Foundation, in 1994, this video archive is growing. In Balanchine’s Steps allows us to glimpse how the transmission takes place.

A brief biography of each contributor, dancer, teacher, writer, and critic accompanies the stunning in-studio photographs by Costas and Reynolds’ husband Brian Rushton. Each pairing of coach and dancer offers historical context, first-hand tips, and inspiring insights. The voice of each contributor is unique and absorbing as we learn about the process.

Memories even reach into Balanchine’s past, for example when Patricia Wilde shares that Balanchine adored Olga Spessitseva’s Odette, having worked with her on Diaghilev’s one-act Swan Lake. In other cases, the photographs themselves convey the communication, as with Stephanie Saland coaching Miriam Miller in Vienna Waltzes, or Suzanne Farrell coaching Elisabeth Holowchuk and Michael Cook in Meditation.

Occasionally philosophical disagreements are revealed. Bart Cook advises that Agon is “not a relationship…We’re things…we’re energies.” To which his partner Allegra Kent responds, “We’re not things. We’re human beings.”

Kay Mazzo helps Miriam Miller understand that performing Balanchine’s ballets demands a rich connection with one’s internal self, “a dialogue guiding your presence and aura.” Jonathan Stafford writes of his sessions with Merrill Ashley and Mimi Paul that they changed the way he approaches those roles. And Peter Boal recalls being coached by Maria Tallchief in Scotch Symphony pas de deux, and her gazing up at him. “When her eyes met mine, she blushed. I’ll never forget that look.”

It is clear that passing on Balanchine’s choreography is not only a question of mastering the steps. There’s Edward Villella advising the male dancer in Bugaku to “keep a space between her waist and your palms” to allow your partner to function (in his case, Allegra Kent); Violette Verdy observing that “It’s about a little thing called atmosphere;” or Kay Mazzo advising Miriam Miller that “not to make ballet positions.” Each dancer finds a new relationship with the role they are dancing. “You open your eyes to a whole different layer of the work,” says Maria Kowroski, on being coached in Bugaku by Mimi Paul and Villella.

Perusing the evocative photos and intimate observations in this book convinces me that Balanchine’s legacy lives in the hearts of dancers. Those who created roles in his ballets are guiding the next generations, enlivening his choreography with nuance, imagination and sensitivity.

 

Nevertheless, A Choreographic Workbook
By Yvonne Rainer with Emmanuèle Phuon
Illustrations by Pascal Lemaître
Yale University Press

Reviewed by Nancy Alfaro

If only I’d had Yvonne Rainer’s Nevertheless, a Choreographic Workbook back in the day! This book is a gem, full of unique ideas for choreographing and teaching movement to trained dancers and pedestrian performers.

The first section of the workbook, titled “Conversation,” includes an insightful discussion with Yvonne Rainer and dancer/scholar Emmanuèle Phuon. Here they discuss Rainer’s early teaching session, “Nevertheless.” Rainer recorded it with instructions for the performers to interpret as they wished, while she lay on the floor pretending to sleep. The recorded instructions allowed the choreographer a chance to participate in the process, rather than being a hierarchical observer. When asked by Phuon what her motive was for ignoring the performers, Rainer said, “It was a one-shot experiment. It was a way of contesting or complicating my own authority. Or maybe amplifying it?”

The “Nevertheless” section includes a multitude of structural ideas and prompts for those who are doing pedestrian, trained, or task-oriented movement. (No Pantomime!) In this section, the body is deconstructed into segments, and Rainer proposes a variety of ways for these segments to move separately or in relation to each other. She also encourages her performers to integrate text, photos, film, and other mediums that have influenced them, culminating in a collage of words, movement, and visuals.

In the “Workbook” section, Rainer gives a series of short, choreographic commands, like, “Make a complicated two-minute piece,” or “Improvise spontaneously and emphasize one of the following: Time, Body, Light, Rhythm etc.” One of my favorite prompts is, “Make a piece that contains both functional and nonfunctional activities.” Pascal Lemaître’s simple, joyful illustrations are a gift throughout the book, but here his lunging and tumbling figures burst off page. These illustrated pages are followed by blank Notes pages so you can play along and notate your ideas.

Another section is called Pedagogical Vaudeville, so titled after a performance by students Rainer led in workshop at the Danish Academy of Art in 2000. Because she was working with untrained art students rather than professional dancers, she felt compelled to introduce ideas, rather than counting on them to bring in pre-determined moves. Here Rainer invites the reader to use the book’s Pedagogical Vaudeville diary as a score for a dance they may want to create.

Dancers, artists, musicians, choreographers, and educators will enjoy reading this engaging book by this inventive, critical thinker and creator.

 

The Choreography of Environments: How the Anna and Lawrence Halprin Home Transformed Contemporary Dance and Urban Design
By Janice Ross
Oxford University Press

Reviewed by Stephan Koplowitz

Janice Ross’ latest book isn’t just a record of two creative rule-breakers; it’s a deep dive into what made their genius and iconoclastic reputations possible. Perhaps I am biased, given my interest in anything site-specific. However, this book creates an immersive world filled with insight and interesting stories that will appeal to many readers. More than a biography of a house, Ross renders the home as a real, living place, filled with purpose and teamwork, where many artists found inspiration and ideas for years.

Ross’s relentless attention to detail is utterly compelling. She takes a subject that could seem academic—the connection between art and architecture—but always brings it down to the actual day-to-day of the Halprins’ home life. Her research delves into every conceivable aspect of the space, and we are privy to Anna Halprin’s private journals, Lawrence Halprin’s architectural sketches, their shared correspondence, and several photographs. She investigates the form, function, and furniture of the home, revealing how each element was a deliberate act of design, part of a larger, domestic choreography. We learn, for example, about the sloped floors and split-level rooms that were not mere aesthetic choices but direct provocations to movement. The large, sliding glass doors were not simply for light but were designed to dissolve the boundary between indoors and out (a prime California element), inviting the natural environment into their lives and creative process. The benches and other design elements “honor the unwritten credo of the Halprin home: to build with nature, not on it.”

The most celebrated feature of the home is, without a doubt, the dance deck, and Ross provides a thorough analysis of its importance. “On the surface,” she writes, “the dance deck might seem merely a trendy backyard feature born in the postwar era of mid-century modernist homes… Yet viewed from the intersecting perspectives of theater, social history, and the architecture of domestic space, it is a transformative object.” The deck—and, by extension, as Ross describes, the entire home—set in motion new paradigms for how the body relates to space. It is no surprise that dance masters Trisha Brown, Simone Forti, Yvonne Rainer, and Meredith Monk (to name the boldest) found new perspectives on the deck, guided by the Halprins’ vision for movement and designed space.

The Choreography of Environments will delight anyone wishing to delve deeply into an artistic life that seamlessly blends personal ideals of aesthetics, function, and movement into daily life. One can’t leave this book without looking at one’s own home space with new eyes, and what if…

 

Hollywood Dance-ins and the Reproduction of Bodies
By Anthea Kraut
Oxford University Press

Reviewed by Elizabeth Zimmer

Hollywood Dance-ins and the Reproduction of Bodies might well serve as a litmus test for aspiring dance scholars. If readers are prepared to spend many hours parsing the theoretical language and following the thousands of superscript numbers to the 80 dense pages of notes and bibliography at the rear of Anthea Kraut’s new book, and if those readers do so with excitement, even delight, they are probably in the right business. If not—if their attention wanders, and if they give up the quest—well, one of the reasons people become dancers is that they’d rather not sit and read and ponder all the time, right?

I love this book. It opens doors for me to vocabularies and ways of thinking that first surfaced after I left grad school in the 1970s—to the language of literary theory, of critical race theory, of feminist and cinema studies. After a while Kraut’s flood of information mutates into wisdom; anyone who makes it through the text will be changed by her subtle interweaving of hard facts with lucid analysis. We will also have made the acquaintance of several people—Marie Bryant, Angie Blue, Alex Romero and others—mostly absent from even a good dance history education, screen dancers likely to have been uncredited in films or assistant dance directors and teachers paid a mere fraction of what their male equivalents, like Hermes Pan, were earning.

Kraut declares that her aim is “to advance understandings of credit and debit as racialized and gendered relations that play out at the level of the body…” Intrepid readers will absorb concepts like surrogation, indexicality, “above the line” and “below the line” positions, and how these apparently simple, often financial terms apply to the transmission of dance information. They will learn about the role Ebony magazine, the Black community’s equivalent to Life, played in the years before television took over the job of showing us to ourselves. Ebony and its sister publication, Jet, collected and preserved many stories of the remarkable women and gay men who transmitted the work of film choreographers to white stars who worked less hard than they otherwise might to look spectacular onscreen. They’ll discover the trio of invisibilized dancers, Ernie Flatt, Carol Haney, and Jeanne Coyne, responsible for Debbie Reynolds’ triumph in Singin’ in the Rain. Kraut also details the remarkable interracial collaboration between Black star Lena Horne and white dancer Haney, herself celebrated for her performance in The Pajama Game on The Perry Como Show.

Hollywood Dance-Ins is a book I wish I had written, but in a thousand years I would not have had the patience, or the insight, to do the research and the thinking involved here. Masquerading as a dance history book, its real subject is political economy. If they bother to read it, it will inflame the barbarians currently running our country and our schools. Buy it quickly before they ban it or burn it and it becomes impossible to find.

 

Balanchine Finds His America: A Tale of Love Lost and Ballet Reborn
By Elizabeth Kendall
Oxford University Press

Reviewed by Martha Ullman West

Elizabeth Kendall’s deeply personal account of the great choreographer’s early years in this country is as meticulously researched and richly detailed as its predecessor, Balanchine and the Lost Muse: Revolution & the Making of a Choreographer. Yet it’s startlingly different.

The author also of Where She Danced, an elegantly written book about the feminist origins of modern dance, in which Kendall examined the lives of her subjects (readably !) in the context of their times and their culture, does the same in Balanchine Finds His America. In 207 pages, including an exhaustive bibliography (Disclaimer: my book, Todd Bolender, Janet Reed and the Making of American Ballet, is one of her sources) Kendall examines, through the contradictory lenses of feminism and Freudianism, a fifteen-year period of Balanchine’s life and work that was phenomenally productive professionally, and personally pretty turbulent.

She begins with his arrival in New York in 1933, a survivor of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution who was recovering from tuberculosis, broke, jobless, and having cast his lot with a young moderately wealthy American named Lincoln Kirstein. She ends in 1948: Balanchine has led three companies, choreographed for the Metropolitan Opera Ballet and Denham’s Ballet Russe de Monte Carlo, established the School of American Ballet and New York City Ballet, headed American Ballet Caravan’s government-sponsored 1941 tour of South America, choreographed for Broadway and the movies, been married twice and had multiple affairs with dancers. Serenade, Concerto Barocco, Theme and Variations, and Four Temperaments were all made in this period.

The dancers who inspired these ballets were not all women, although readers new to Balanchine’s story might think so. They might also, mistakenly, think the music was of secondary importance. As for Balanchine the predator, of which Kendall both accuses and forgives him, he was after all a man of his time, and in at least one instance, on the 1941 tour, teenager Marie-Jeanne Pelus, according to one dancer, pursued him relentlessly.

“I want Balanchine’s story to stand in for the all-too-human stories of all great artists, as they make the bold and often treacherous inner discoveries that lead to their art,” Kendall writes at the end of her preface. That’s ambitious: All artists are products of their times and their cultures, and some, Balanchine included, are focused more on making the work than probing their own psyches. To give Balanchine’s life story immediacy, Kendall chose to write it in the present tense, making the reader wonder if something actually happened, and how she knows. However, with Balanchine Finds His America, Kendall makes her readers think and question, not only what she says about Balanchine and his work, but also the art of biography.

 

Fantasies of Ito Michio
By Tara Rodman
University of Michigan Press

Reviewed by Wendy Perron

The Japanese-born Michio Ito is a fascinating precursor to American modern dance. But when you read the research, you realize that the stories he told about himself were sometimes true and sometimes fictional. Tara Rodman’s solution to this dilemma is to say that his fantasies are equally important to the reality, that his desires say something about him as a boundary-crossing artist and about the culture surrounding him.

“Fantasy is how we know ourselves,” Rodman offers, “how we perform ourselves and come to think of those performances as constitutive of ourselves.” She alternately defines his tall tales as either self-promotion or “creative acts of the imagination that sustained” him. Another layer is that Ito, as an Asian dancer in the West, was a screen onto which many fantasies of others were projected, relating to “the national, racial, and imperial significations assigned it.” So on the one hand, we have his fanciful stories about dancing at a Pavlova performance or being pals with Nijinsky, and on the other hand we have his arduous path of building communities for dance in New York and Los Angeles during the time of the “yellow peril.”

One of the ways Ito was a pioneer of modern dance was that he influenced Louis Horst, the composer who laid down the rules for structuring choreography. When I researched Ito for my Unsung Heroes of Dance History series in 2021, I discovered that Horst had modeled his ABA structure on what he learned from Ito in the 1920s. That format became the favored method of organizing materials in modern dance for decades.

After the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor in 1941, the FBI raided Ito’s home in L.A. and arrested him as an enemy alien—which was not uncommon for issei men (born in Japan). He was taken into a series of prison-like DOJ facilities. In 1943, his request for repatriation was granted, and he sailed back to Japan. The American government had killed his dream of being a “universal artist.” But then—irony of ironies—that same American government offered him the job of producer at the Ernie Pyle theater in Tokyo, a top position during the American Occupation. In bombed out, devastated Japan, as Rodman points out, Ito became part of the remaking of his home country.

Ito is a towering, idealistic figure who crossed cultures, national identities, and dance genres. Rodman’s research is vast and impeccable. Because she traveled to Japan and learned the language, she could report on how the Japanese media covered him in both L.A. and Tokyo over the years. Rodman gives us a comprehensive excavation into his life, his work, and his dreams.

 

Juliet Prowse: Born to Dance, The Extraordinary Life Story of My Aunt
By Juliet E. Prowse
Prowse Media

Reviewed by William Whitener

Juliet E. Prowse has written a loving tribute about her aunt, the great and magnetic entertainer, Juliet Prowse. The author traces Juliet’s early years as a child in South Africa, where she studied ballet with Marjorie Sturman, co-founder of the Festival Ballet Society. It was 1948 and Juliet showed tremendous promise as a 12-year old. Long-limbed, strong, and with a smile that lit up the room, the young dancer became a member of the company and performed as the Queen of the Willis in Giselle. By 1954, she was living in London with the hope of joining Anton Dolin’s Festival Ballet. Alas, she was six feet tall on pointe and not chosen. Juliet began to forge her own path. The author proudly recounts her aunt’s rapid ascent, boosted by the encouragement of family members, friends, and lovers.

After replacing a principal dancer in a pantomime at The Palladium, Juliet tried out for the eminent team of Jack Cole and Gwen Verdon, who were in London auditioning dancers for the film Gentlemen Prefer Brunettes. She was cast, and this opportunity was followed by a featured role in the West End production of the musical Kismet. Her boundless talent was recognized by leaders in the field including the choreographer Hermes Pan. Juliet Prowse was launched.

The remainder of the biography chronicles the trailblazing efforts of Juliet as she became a dazzling presence on stage, film, and television; she developed a company of loyal dancers, choreographers, designers and musicians. Lauded for her fine singing and comedic gifts in musical theater productions, she was one of the most celebrated and highly paid performers in Las Vegas. Her artistic standards were legendary.

This is an inspiring remembrance of a beloved woman who successfully brought dance, both subtle and extravagant, to the general public. In her niece’s detailed portrait, Juliet’s love of life, joy, heartbreaks, and determination are on solid ground.

 

Dancing on the Fault Lines of History
By Susan Manning
University of Michigan Press

Reviewed by Morgan Griffin

Eminent dance scholar Susan Manning kicks off this selection of her essays with a brief history of herself. I appreciated this inclusion, as any interpretation of dance history is inherently personal. Her foreword reveals not only her own privileges and biases, but also her revised thinking over time. In fact, the evolution of these preconceptions serves as the through line of the book.

Divided into sections by “keywords,” the essays, spanning from 1986 to 2025, are organized into themes of “Gender and Sexuality,” “Whiteness and Blackness,” and “Nationality and Globalization.”

These themes are interpreted through the lens of spectatorship. The essays recount how viewership of these themes not only vary from viewer to viewer, but also adapt over time based on social movements, global awareness, and personal preferences. Isadora Duncan is on one hand viewed as a feminist offering liberation of the body, on the other hand viewed as objectifying the female body and simultaneously glorifying whiteness. Pina Bausch is criticized for her representation of traditional and at times violent gender roles. Or is her work purely a commentary deeply rooted in German history? Did Mary Wigman appropriate and Orientalize Asian influences, or did her work inspire Ohno Kazuo, who then adapted her forms into the Japanese dance world? Was she a Nazi empathizer or did she succumb so as to provide safety and subtle rebellion?

At the onset Manning acknowledges the fact that two or many different things can be true. Dance is an ephemeral art that puts bodies on view for people to see, to perceive, to interpret. How can there not be one million truths? Nonetheless, I felt a kind of hesitation on Manning’s part to make any real claim, any strong stance. She introduces each essay with a short forward calling out missteps or missing perspectives which she has since acknowledged. There seemed a bit of nervousness written between the lines. Perhaps a fear of being a white woman writing across these fault lines? And yet in teetering (even dancing) between these lines, I was left with no “aha” moments, no final clarity. Instead, I was left with a web of interweaving histories, accounts, and viewpoints that I struggled to synthesize.

And yet perhaps Manning has skillfully made her point. We are constantly faced with the struggle of how on earth to capture dance history at all, given the volume of oral and written histories we have access to. What Manning eloquently reveals is that we have the power to reconstruct our perceptions, by constantly learning more, by actively seeing differently, by changing our former understandings to try to absorb as many histories as we can.

 

Characters in Motion: A Workbook of Improvisational Exercises
By Lanny Harrison, edited by Jane Zipp
Vervante

Reviewed by Wendy Perron

An unforgettable performer, Lanny Harrison embodied many colorful characters within Meredith Monk’s The House for years. As Harrison recounts in this book, “I fell in love with improvisation—minimally held within simple structures.” Her lively approach comes out of a lifetime of teaching theater and movement on tour with Monk, at Naropa University, and in New York. Although the assignments are geared more to actors than dancers, this workbook offers many clues for anyone to begin envisioning and improvising. Some of the exercises are group visualizations; others are very specific. In the series called Tiny Two-Character scenes, one score is simply “2 characters: 1 is the Earth, 1 is the Moon. They are old lovers having an argument.” Other examples are Characters with their Shadows, in which the Shadow reflects the Character’s movements in some way. The Shadow can be inserted into other formats, for instance, Difficult Landscape with Shadows. In the Circle Dance, students pick up gestures and vocalizations during the movement session. As Harrison says of this end-of-class ritual, “Everyone is a Leader and everyone is a Follower.” Also a visual artist, Harrison has adorned these pages with vibrant watercolors and whimsical stick figures. Permeating the book is a level of charm—or maybe a faith—in a sophisticated kind of make believe.

 

Resistance and Support: Contact Improvisation @50
Edited by Ann Cooper Albright
Oxford University Press

Reviewed by Wendy Perron

With a touch of nostalgia for the 47 years of the engaging journal Contact Quarterly, I welcome this volume, which came out of the 50th-anniversary celebration at Oberlin College in 2022. Edited by Ann Cooper Albright, who organized the anniversary conference and a three-day writing workshop, these 20 essays highlight the evolution of Contact Improvisation from many angles. In the introduction, Cooper Albright writes that she chose the title, a seeming binary of “Resistance and Support,” because of its potential synergy. In the CI world, physical resistance is a way of supporting your partner, and she extends that idea to the intellectual realm: “When I push back on your ideas in a responsive and not a reactive manner, it is a kind of support.”

A glance at the contributors’ list reveals how CI, spearheaded by Steve Paxton (1939–2024) has spread from its beginnings at Oberlin and Bennington Colleges to other countries including Canada, Poland, China, Brazil, Mexico, and Taiwan. As we enter a post–Paxton period of CI, this collection is an expansive guide as well as a provocation.

In the first essay, “Mindfully Rocking and Rolling,” Dena Davida recalls the beginnings of CI cradled in an era of idealistic, bold, feminist rebellion. The entire volume is a testament to that 1970s slogan “The personal is the political.” One cannot write about CI without being personal because it is about one person’s body touching another person’s body. Kristin Horrigan writes on how gender identities complicate the experience of CI, poignantly lacing her essay with her own experience. In “The Small Dance of Listening,” Lesley Greco takes off from Paxton’s idea of the small dance as a score for how gravity affects us. She extends it to communing with other bodies, describing describes various listening practices where “Thinking and sensing are each part of an integrated whole.”

Sarah Young’s essay “Underscoring Nancy Stark Smith’s Legacy: Definitions and Disruptions” honors Nancy Stark Smith (1952–2020) with an explanation—and challenge—to Smith’s invented form, the Underscore. It’s a framework for solo and group improvisation that is performed annually at 70+ sites simultaneously. As one of the facilitators, Young has stretched the score, generating a bunch of questions for herself. Ultimately this is a loving tribute, reflecting the generous openness and questioning that Smith brought to her teaching and her editing of Contact Quarterly.

Paul Singh and Emma Bigé’s dialogue, “Doing It Wrong: Contact’s Counter Countercultures,” referring to that famous 1983 moment when Ishmael Houston-Jones and Fred Holland created Oo-Ga-La to declare their resistance as Black men wearing boots. Coincidentally, Houston-Jones just gave the score for that piece to a younger generation who will perform it in January at New York Live Arts.

To see such a robust treatment of CI at this point is heartwarming. CI has lasted way longer than its antecedents: Judson Dance Theater of the early 1960s and Grand Union of the ’70s. This collection helps expand and diversify a beloved form of American dance.

§§§

 

Books Announced or Received

Moving through Life: Essential Lessons of Dance
By Naomi Goldberg Haas
With Mikhaela Mahony
University Press of Florida
After a career that included dancing with Pacific Northwest Ballet, Naomi Goldberg Haas started a unique endeavor: Dances for a Variable Population. It’s a group of older dancers and nondancers that performs for senior centers and in parks in the NYC area. Her new memoir traces her dance journey and give uplifting lessons according to Movement Speaks® a curriculum that Goldberg Haas developed for aging people. DVP also has a teacher training program.

Teaching and Learning Dance through Meaningful Gestures
Text by Annabella Lenzu, photography by Todd Carroll
A longtime teacher at NYU Gallatin, Annabella Lenzu gathers nuggets from her 35 years in the field into three sections: Teaching, Learning, and Resources. This promotional video illustrates her lively style and holistic approach. Another achievement of Lenzu is that she organized the Dance Book Fair mentioned above.

Dance and Science in the Long Nineteenth Century: The Articulate Body
Edited by Lynn Matluck BrooksSariel Golomb and Garth Grimball
University Press of Florida
These 20 essays consider the ways that science and dance looked at the human body during an era of colonial expansion. With contributions by Jane Desmond, Emily Coates, Claudia Jeschke, Pallabi Chakravorty, Andrea Harris, and others, the scope is global. According to the press release, this collection “sheds light on a historical interplay that has shaped many of today’s political and cultural realities.”

White Screens, Black Dance: Race and Masculinity in the United States at Midcentury
By Pamela Krayenbuhl
Oxford University Press
Pamela Krayenbuhl suggests that Africanist movement vocabularies prevalent in mid-twentieth century film and TV have produced models of masculinity that still hold sway today. These styles are described in these four chapter headings: The Nicholas Brothers: Classy and Dignified; Gene Kelly: Brash and Athletic; Elvis Presley: Virile and Phallic; and Sammy Davis, Jr. Modish and Chameleonic.

Radical Sensing and Performer Training: Elsa Gindler’s Embodied Translations
By Rebecca Loukes
Routledge
An early pioneer of somatic practice, Elsa Gindler (1885–1961) rebelled against the aggressive ways that Gymnastic was taught in Germany. She was a teacher of both Charlotte Selver and Carola Speads, both of whom influenced Elaine Summers. Loukes devotes one chapter to Summers’ development of Kinetic Awareness as well as the Sonic Meditations of Pauline Oliveros, the avant garde musician who studied with Summers. Oliveros’ idea of Deep Listening is related to Summer’s idea of sensory awareness as a way to explore and to heal.

Reissue in paperback: Making Caribbean Dance: Continuity and Creativity in Island Cultures
Edited by Susanna Sloat
Florida University Press
Originally produced in 2010, this anthology is a touchstone to scholarship about dance in this part of the world. The twenty-one essays are grouped into the following sections: Island Connections, Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, Dominica, St. Lucia, Barbados, Haiti, Carriaco, and Trinidad and Tobago. Writers include illustrious dancer/scholars like Cynthia Oliver, Celia Weiss Bambara, and Tania Issac.

Buddhist Dances: Movement & Mind
By Joseph Houseal
Edited by Mindy Aloff
Motilal Banarsidass

Longtime dance writer Joseph Houseal has explored sacred dance as expressions of Buddhist philosophy, including chapters on Antony Tudor and Merce Cunningham. From the website: “This richly illustrated volume documents rare and endangered Buddhist dance traditions in ten countries, including Japan, Bhutan, India, Nepal, China, Tibet, Mongolia, Sri Lanka, England, and the United States.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Dance in the Harlem Renaissance

Dance Was Everywhere: The Uncredited Spirit of the Harlem Renaissance

 

This essay of mine was published in Dance Index, Volume 14, Number 1, Summer of 2023. Unfortunately Dance Index, which had its first run from 1942 to 1948 and was resuscitated by Peter Kayafas in 2017, just announced its second “exit.” I cherish both eras of this publication, as every issue contributed to our knowledge of dance history. Another reason I am posting this now is that a new exhibit at the NY Historical Society called The Gay Harlem Renaissance just opened, with George Chauncey (whom I quote below) as chief historian.

 

ALTHOUGH DANCE ENLIVENED HARLEM in a big way in the 1920s and ’30s, it has not been recognized as one of the art forms that launched the legendary Harlem Renaissance. Yet it was essential to the lives and imaginations of the period. People danced in theaters and basements, in ballrooms and night clubs, at rent parties and community centers. Dance shines through the poetry of Langston Hughes and Claude McKay, the novels of Jessie Fauset and Nella Larsen, and artworks by Aaron Douglas and Augusta Savage. A fledgling concert dance scene included Zora Neale Hurston’s stagings of authentic folk forms. Not only did dance flourish throughout the neighborhood, it helped make Harlem a magnet for people of all races and classes.

W. E. B. Du Bois, 1900

The Harlem Renaissance was sparked by W. E. B. Du Bois, who was determined to show that Black artistic talent, if given exposure, would blossom so visibly that it would win respect for Black people and help combat systemic racism. Central to this effort was Alain Locke’s anthology The New Negro (1925), which gathered work by a wide array of contributors, including Fauset, Hughes, Hurston, and McKay, as well as writer/activist James Weldon Johnson and poet Jean Toomer. With this profusion of writings, Locke intended to “register the transformation of the inner and outer life of the Negro in America.”[1] In subsequent editions, Arnold Rampersad called the movement “something approaching a cultural revolution.”[2]

However, the Harlem Renaissance was mostly a literary movement. Poetry, fiction, and playwriting were valued, along with visual arts and certain kinds of music—but not dance. From the point of view of Du Bois and Locke, dance endangered the project of elevating Black people in the eyes of the rest of the world. Dance was associated with minstrel shows—a horribly demeaning, century-long American tradition that represented exactly what they wanted to rise above.

In this essay, I consider the sites and situations where dance flourished, infusing this historic period with a vibrancy that did not always register as Art.

 

MUSICALS
With African Americans effectively banned from Broadway in the 1910s, they developed their own musicals, performing off Broadway for Black as well as white audiences.[3] In 1921, Shuffle Along, created by lyricist Noble Sissle and composer Eubie Blake, burst on the scene, breaking box-office records for months. Writing in Black Manhattan, James Weldon Johnson called it “epoch-making;” he pronounced the dancing in the show the “most exhilarating” in the city.[4] This is the show that brought fame to dancer/singer Florence Mills, introduced an unruly young chorus girl named Josephine Baker, and made Hughes dream of coming to Harlem.[5] Both Blacks and whites flocked to see Shuffle Along at the Cort Theatre on Broadway, creating such a traffic jam that 63rd Street had to be officially declared a one-way street. The dancing included buck and wing (an early version of tap), soft shoe, and slow-motion acrobatics, as well as the prancing and kicking typical of the Cakewalk. In her biography of Baker, Phyllis Rose quotes prominent critic Alan Dale on the powerful impact of the performers:

Every sinew in their bodies danced; every tendon in their frames responded to their extreme energy. They reveled in their work; they simply pulsed with it, and there was no let-up at all. And gradually, any tired feeling that you might have been nursing vanished in the sun of their good humor.[6]

This enthusiastic response reflects the growing craze in the twentieth century for Black music and dance. In addition to satisfying white people’s cultural curiosity, it had an emotional effect: It could improve the mood of white folks whose lives had become increasingly distanced from their physical selves with the onset of the machine age.

Shuffle Along’ in the song ‘Bandana Days’, Josephine Baker is 6th from right, 1921, ph White Stuio

In Harlem Renaissance, historian Nathan Irvin Huggins credits Shuffle Along with ushering in the jazz age.[7] Scholar and dance historian Jacqui Malone points out the string of dance-rich Black musicals that followed, including Runnin’ Wild (1923), in which choreographer Elida Webb unleashed the Charleston mania; Dinah (1924), which introduced the Black Bottom; Dixie to Broadway (1924), first of several hit musicals produced by the white impresario Lew Leslie; and The Chocolate Dandies (1924), which featured Baker in a central role.[8]

In 2016, almost a hundred years after it first opened, Shuffle Along enjoyed a Broadway revival with the tagline “or, the Making of the Musical Sensation of 1921 and All That Followed.” Directed by George C. Wolfe and choreographed by Savion Glover, it featured a star-studded cast including Audra McDonald, Brian Stokes Mitchell, and Billy Porter. Although no longer a cultural high-water mark, this lively production did garner ten Tony nominations.

Even though the original Shuffle Along was such a hit—and some credit it with sparking the Harlem Renaissance—when Locke teamed up with editor Charles Johnson to create the precursor to The New Negro, they shared a vision that did not embrace Shuffle Along and its ilk. As scholar David Levering Lewis wrote:

Both wanted the same art for the same purposes—highly polished stuff, preferably about polished people, but certainly untainted by racial stereotypes or embarrassing vulgarity. Too much blackness, too much streetgeist and folklore — nitty-gritty music, prose, and verse — were not welcome…[9]

Locke and Charles Johnson considered the sexuality of the dancing in these shows to be crass and uncivilized. As they saw it, dance was not noble like the sorrow songs so poignantly described by Du Bois in the final chapter of The Souls of Black Folk (1903). The Fisk Jubilee Singers, with their repertory of Negro Spirituals—or “sorrow songs”—had toured the United States and Europe to great acclaim since 1871. Their widespread popularity fueled Du Bois’ idea that showcasing the talent of Black artists could garner broad respect for African Americans. In discussing these songs, Locke bemoans the reluctance to elevate them—or any folk art—to the level of high art, saying, “It still requires vision and courage to proclaim their ultimate value and possibilities.”[10] While he and other scholars recognized the artistic significance of the sorrow songs, they did not have the “vision and courage” to recognize dance as an art form.

Shuffle Along with Noble Sissle center, c. 1921 © NY Library for the Performing Arts

By contrast, several of the younger Renaissance writers embraced dance as vital to life in Harlem. McKay, whose raunchy depiction of the neighborhood in his first novel, Home to Harlem (1928), antagonized Du Bois and Locke, loved Shuffle Along. He wrote that Blacks “have traditionally been represented on the stage as a clowning race. But I felt that if Negroes can lift clowning to artistry, they can thumb their noses at superior people who rate them as a clowning race.”[11] Substitute “dancing” for “clowning” and the message is the same: McKay believed that lifting vaudevillian song and dance to the level of “artistry” imbued those disparaged forms with dignity.

THE SAVOY
Shortly after it opened in 1926, the Savoy Ballroom became the first dance hall in Harlem to be racially integrated. In the late 1920s and ’30s, people of all races and classes frequented the Savoy—along with the Renaissance and the Alhambra ballrooms —to dance the Shag, the Shimmy, the Grizzly Bear, the Big Apple, the Black Bottom, the Charleston, and other new dances brewing in Harlem. The Savoy was the place that put the Lindy Hop on the map when its Saturday night dance competitions escalated to ever greater inventiveness and rambunctiousness. Whitey’s Lindy Hoppers, the professional group that emerged from these competitions, kept upping their game with mind-boggling dance moves. You may have seen the Lindy Hop clip from the Hollywood film Helzapoppin’ (1941) where six charged up dancer/acrobats go all out to the beat, with dancers shooting up into the air, grinding down into the floor, or hurling themselves at their partners.[12]

Savoy Ballroom, 1941, Schomberg Center, NYPL

Hughes wrote in a letter that he was moved to tears by the interracial intermingling at the Savoy, and he realized how much Blacks had influenced mainstream American culture:

That was one of the things that got me to feeling like crying thinking how a simple thing like music-and not high-brow music, but popular music—the people’s music—could bring folks together, like at the Savoy Ballroom in Harlem where everybody dances with everybody else, white, West Indian, Filipino, Mexican, Negro, and nobody’s the worse for it. Then I got to thinking how this music was Negro music, and how Negro music had influenced all American popular music to such a great extent that it is now pretty hard to draw any color line at all in popular music. From George Gershwin up or down, white American composers have been influenced by, have improvised on and borrowed from the Negro composers and the folk songs of the Negro people, until our American popular music is flavored through and through with the sad-happy honey of the Negro soul.[13]

THE COTTON CLUB
In contrast to the diversity of the Savoy, Harlem nightclubs like the Cotton Club, Small’s Paradise, Connie’s Inn, and the Plantation, were places where Black entertainers—including choruses of light-skinned young women—performed for white audiences.

Cab Calloway with his band and dancers at the Cotton Club, 1937, via Smithsonian

Music and dance came together in the persona of Cab Calloway, the legendary jazz singer and bandleader who presided over Cotton Club shows in the 1930s. With his outsized personality and charisma, he captivated audiences as he led his band. A quick survey of YouTube clips shows Calloway struttin’, truckin’, jivin’ and twisting in his long white tails as he conducted his swing band. He swiveled his hips seductively, trembled like renowned Harlem nightclub eccentric dancer Earl “Snake Hips” Tucker, and did an early version of the moonwalk—all within eight beats. The ultimate showman, he led band members not just with an oversized baton but with his hyperactive body—which you can see in this YouTube clip him in his signature song “Minnie the Moocher.” One of the musicians who was scheduled to follow him described the effect:

When Calloway came on for the second set he made a remarkably spectacular entry, leaping over chairs, turning somersaults, and indulging in all manner of non-musical showmanship, all the while singing… in his most eccentric manner. This so won over the audience that we didn’t dare go on again.[14]

Alyn Shipton, Calloway’s biographer, writes that in the 1934 film Cab Calloway’s Hi-De-Ho, he goes from “frenetic movement to slow drag walking… his movements drew on the entire vernacular of African American dance, with allusions to nineteenth-century survivals like buck and wing alongside comparatively recent fads like the black bottom.”[15]

Operating from 1923 to 1935, the Cotton Club catered to whites who could afford to buy alcohol during Prohibition. It was run by a white gangster who often used racial caricatures to promote his shows. Calloway described the decor as “a replica of a Southern mansion, with large white columns and a backdrop painted with weeping willows and slave quarters.”[16]

While Calloway was able to put up with this ugly racism—after all, it gave him the space to develop as a performer—Hughes deplored it. “I was never there,” he wrote in The Big Sea (1940), “because the Cotton Club was a Jim Crow club for gangsters and monied whites. They were not cordial to Negro patronage, unless you were a celebrity like Bojangles.”[17]

EARLY CONCERT DANCE

Edna Guy in A Figure From Angkor Wat, choreographed by Ruth St. Denis, ph Soichi Sunami ©1931

As white performers experimented with modern dance, a fledgling concert dance scene began to emerge in and around Harlem in the 1930s through the work of Hemsley Winfield and Edna Guy. A young actor and community theater producer, Winfield brought together a group of largely untrained dancers to form the Bronze Ballet Plastique. Influenced by Locke’s The New Negro, he changed the name of his dance troupe after its first performance to the New Negro Art Theater Dance Group. In 1931 his company of eighteen dancers performed what was billed as the “First Negro Dance Recital in America” to packed houses at Theater in the Clouds, a tiny midtown upstairs venue. Winfield produced dances with titles like Ritual, Bronze Study, Black Foundation, and Life and Death. Guy, a young dancer who had been held back by racial prejudice, performed two solos she learned from her white teacher and idol, modern dance pioneer Ruth St. Denis: A Figure from Angkor Wat and Temple Offering.[18]

Bronze Ballet Plastique in Life and Death, with Hemsley Winfield at Center, ph Martinus Anderson, via Nelson D. Neal

In 1931 Winfield and Guy also performed in Fast and Furious, a revue partly written by Hurston in which Winfield appeared in a comical “pansies” skit (at the time, pansy was a term for a gay, queer, or gender-non-conforming man). Winfield produced a version of Oscar Wilde’s Salome and even performed the role of Salome himself—thus inspiring a series of erotic drawings by Bruce Nugent. Three months before his tragic death at age 26, he and his group danced in an operatic production of Eugene O’Neill’s The Emperor Jones, becoming the first African Americans to perform at the Metropolitan Opera.[19]

After Winfield died, Edna Guy performed in her own concert in a studio at Carnegie Hall. More important, she co-organized (with Allison Burroughs) the Negro Dance Evening at the 92nd Street Y in 1937. One of the artists she invited was Katherine Dunham, and this marked Dunham’s NYC debut. (To learn more about the Y’s early welcome of Black dancers, I recommend Naomi Jackson’s book, Converging Movements: Modern Dance and Jewish Culture at the 92nd Street Y.)

During this same period, some white left-wing dance artists were reaching out to the Black community. Edith Segal’s duet Black and White Workers Solidarity Dance was first performed, by herself and Black dancer Allison Burroughs, at the Harlem Revels at Rockland Palace in 1930. (see Stepping Left: Dance and Politics in NYC 1928–1942, by Ellen Graff, p. 37.) It later became known as a duet for two men, in which a Black man and a white man took turns swinging a hammer. It was performed at many rallies and meetings but later was regarded as merely an agit-prop piece. In any case, it was part of a larger movement to try to integrate the Black and leftist dabce communities.

Zora Neale Hurston with drum, 1937, Library of Congress, NY World Telegram

The Black press basically ignored concert dance until the arrival of Kykunkor (The Witch Woman), a “native African opera” choreographed by Asadata Dafora, at the Little Theater in 1934. An immigrant from Sierra Leone, Dafora combined European and African influences in a production staged at several venues including the Harlem YMCA. Writing in Opportunity, the journal of the National Urban League, Locke applauded its “primitive cleanliness and vitality instead of the usual degenerate exoticism and fake primitivism to which we have been accustomed.”[20] White critic John Martin called it one of the most exciting dance performances of the season.”[21] Dafora’s career took off, and, in 1937 he choreographed Bassa Moona: The Land I Love, a dance opera with forty actors and thirty dancers, at Harlem’s 1,500-seat Lafayette Theatre. (For more on Dafora, see Perpener’s essay in Jacob’s Pillow’s Dance Interactive here.)

Hurston’s productions of folk dances from the African diaspora offered another form of concert dance. In addition to being a major literary light, she was an anthropologist who researched dance forms of the American South and the Bahamas. Hurston organized at least twenty-five performances in New York, Chicago, and other cities featuring a group of Bahamian dancers, whose concerts typically culminated in the kinetically charged “Bahamian Fire Dance.” Originally the last scene in her play “The Great Day” (1932), this ritual consisted of three sections: a “Jumping Dance,” “Ring Play” (which involved partnering), and the “Crow Dance.”[22] This finale proved to be such a tour de force that it resurfaced in multiple incarnations in productions by both Hurston and others. (A rudimentary clip of Hurston’s “Crow Dance,” with her voice explaining and singing, can be seen here.)

 

DRAG BALLS
In the late nineteenth century, the Hamilton Lodge—built as an Odd Fellows hub in 1869—hosted events known as “masquerade and civic balls.” By the 1920s, these events had gained greater visibility—and flamboyance—eventually morphing into what was dubbed the “fairies’ ball.”[23] Unsurprisingly, the architects of the Renaissance looked down on queer culture as much as on dance, but younger writers and artists felt free to form their own opinions.

At a time when the Cotton Club and Connie’s Inn excluded Black patrons, the Hamilton balls attracted a racially diverse crowd.[24] Hughes recalled that movie stars like Beatrice Lillie and Tallulah Bankhead would watch from the balcony above.[25] Scholar George Chauncey estimates the number of drag queens at these events to be in the hundreds and spectators to be in the thousands.[26] In fact, audiences for the balls became so massive that sometimes they were held at the Astor Hotel or even Madison Square Garden.[27]

Other Harlem venues that held similar parties included the Rockland Palace, Lulu Belle (named after the provocative 1926 musical, which included Hemsley Winfield in its cast), and Cyril’s Café. This was all part of the “pansy craze” sweeping New York (as well as Los Angeles, London, Paris, and Berlin).[28] A high point of these evenings was the “parade of pansies” that preceded the official costume competition. A 1932 newspaper article in The New York Amsterdam News with the headline “Hamilton Lodge Ball Draws 7,000” explains it this way:

The “beauty” pageant started at 1:45 am. Bowing, throwing kisses, snake-hipping or Lindy-hopping as the mood struck them, nearly 100 of the more expensively costumed impersonators strode across an elevated platform and courted the favor of the crowd and judges. From this group a score of semi-finalists were chosen.[29]

Bruce Nugent ph Carl Van Vechten Trust,1926

Nugent’s posthumous collection Gay Rebel of the Harlem Renaissance celebrates just how fabulous these balls were. He had danced with both Winfield and, later, Wilson Williams’ short-lived Negro Ballet Company, which performed at the Humphrey-Weidman studio in 1941 and 1942.[30] Nugent describes one masked ball as follows:

“We arrived late, and the dance floor was a single chaotic mass of color. Abbreviated ballet skirts of pink, blue, silver and white dancing with Arab sheiks in fantastic colors. Turks with bright ballooned trousers, curled pointed boots and turbans with sweeps of brilliant feathers and sparkling glass gems… pirates in frayed trousers, bloody shirts, headbands, earrings and tattoos …Apache Indian, Spanish, Dutch and Japanese girls.”[31]

In the foreword to Gay Rebel, Henry Louis Gates Jr. emphasizes that the drag balls did not belong to a nefarious gay underworld but were so much a part of Harlem’s public life that they were often covered in the Amsterdam News.[32] Supporting Gates’ view is a recent article by Tsione Wolde-Michael, who traces the current voguing scene back to the Harlem Renaissance and makes the point that the gay movement in Harlem played out very publicly, seeding the fluid gender structures we are seeing today:

Many of the movement’s leaders were openly gay or identified as having nuanced sexualities including Angelina Weld Grimké, Claude McKay, Langston Hughes, Wallace Thurman, Alice Dunbar-Nelson, Alain Locke, and Richard Bruce Nugent, among others. The movement offered a new language that challenged social structures and demonstrated the ways that race, gender, sex, and sexuality distinctions were actually intersecting, fluid, and constantly evolving.[33]

Although the line from the parade of pansies to today’s voguing ballroom scene may not be perfectly straight, a discernible thread clearly connects the two.

DANCE IN RENAISSANCE LITERATURE
In poetry and novels of the period, dance held a prominent place but meant something different for older versus younger writers. For the former, dance represented either an obligation or a humiliation. For the latter, it allowed for exuberance and self-expression.

Nella Larsen ph Van Vechten Trust, 1934

Novelists Jessie Fauset and Nella Larsen were both aligned with Locke’s sense that dance was not a bona fide form of art. For Joanna, the protagonist in Fauset’s novel There Is Confusion (1924), dance is a profession that becomes an obstacle to love. Like many aspiring Black dancers, she endures the humiliation of needing to arrange for separate lessons for non-white students, but by the end of the novel she loses interest in dance. In a disappointingly unliberated move, Joanna opts to stop going to dance classes in order to devote herself exclusively to marriage. Given that Fauset was a colleague and disciple of Du Bois, it is not surprising that dance is seen as an obstacle in her world.

In Larsen’s Quicksand (1928), dance provides a turning point—a revelation really—for mixed-race protagonist Helga Crane. As a guest in Denmark, she joins a white audience at a vaudeville show. In the final act, when two Black performers “danced and cavorted,” and the audience “clapped and howled and shouted for more,” Helga is horrified by both the grotesque performance and the audience’s response.[34] However, she is drawn to the show repeatedly, attempting to understand its meaning. Is this why her Danish hosts dress her up in bright-colored outfits? Do they see her as nothing more than a curiosity, an animal in the zoo? Ultimately, she decides to return to Harlem, where she can be herself—or at least half of herself—without being stared at.

For younger writers likes Hughes and McKay, dance held a Dionysian allure. Hughes used dance to express a special vitality or a connection to nature. In his poem “Danse Africaine,” a veiled girl “Whirls softly, slowly / Like a wisp of smoke around the fire” while the beating of the tom-toms “stir your blood.” His poem “Dancers” expresses a similar sentiment:

Stealing from the night / A few / Desperate hours / Of pleasure.

Stealing from death / A few / Desperate days / Of life.[35]

Similarly, for McKay, dance represents total abandon. In his poem “Negro Dancers,” people dance in order to lose themselves—to let go of the burdens of everyday life: “Dancing, their world of shadow to forget.” And later, “Dead to the earth and her unkindly ways of toil and strife / For them the dance is the true joy of life.” The dancing has “Not one false step, no note that rings not true.”[36] It is also “true” because it is done freely, not to impress anyone, and it brings the subjects closer to their true selves. When McKay writes, “They dance with poetry in their eyes,” he seems to suggest that, in touching the soul, dance is elevated to art—as were the sorrow songs.

FIre!!, cover design by Aaron Douglas

Hughes, McKay, and others had their day in the sun when a group of them got together to start a new literary journal called Fire!!, described as “A Quarterly Devoted to the Younger Negro Artists.” According to Nugent, the idea for the journal arose from long walks and talks he had with Hughes.[37] They wanted to create a publication that was less reverent, less aired at impressing white folks. The first (and what turned out to be the only edition of Fire!! came out in November 1926, only a few months after Locke published The New Negro. It included drawings, essays, short stories, commentary, and poems contributed by not only Nugent and Hughes, but also Hurston, Arna Bontemps, Countee Cullen, Aaron Davis, and Wallace Thurman, among others.

One of Hurston’s two contributions was “Color Struck,” a play in which the climactic event is a Cakewalk competition. She describes the revelers strutting, parading, prancing, and holding up their skirts to show the lace underneath. This was not the type of cultural event the Black intelligentsia considered artistic. As dance scholar John O. Perpener III has pointed out:

Harlem Renaissance artists and intellectuals engaged in ongoing debates about the appropriate framing of black cultural expressions. Bourgeois members of the intelligentsia supported the high-art versions of black folk music, while Hurston opted for presenting the “real” thing.[38]

“Color Struck” takes place in Florida, where the winners apparently really take the cake—a humongous one made with three dozen eggs. But more to the point, Hurston describes the competition in a way that makes it clear how this dance mocked plantation owners. It begins with a grand promenade in which couples are “prancing” in place, warming up. Two men carrying the huge cake lead the procession, and before the couples begin to dance, each man doffs his top hat to sweep into an elaborate bow, while his partner lowers into a deep curtsy. The couples begin to strut together, often with a comically stiff formality that alludes to the highly mannered dances of white slaveholders. “Fervor of spectators grows until all are taking part in some way—either hand-clapping or singing the words. At curtain they have reached frenzy.”[39] Hurston shows that the Cakewalk was both a defiant performance and an entertaining community event.

DANCE IN THE VISUAL ARTS
Aaron Douglas, perhaps the most celebrated Black visual artist of the time, developed a style that merged modernism with African traditions—using bold figures, angled limbs, and silhouettes reminiscent of ancient Egypt. His stark graphic style graced the pages of The New Negro and many covers of Crisis, the magazine of the NAACP edited by Du Bois and Fauset that helped establish Harlem as the hub of Black resistance.[40]

Aaron Douglas’ graphic for God’s Trombones, “Prodigal Son,” via Cooper Hewitt

Like Locke and Du Bois, Douglas believed that art should elevate the Black image in order to resist the oppressiveness of slavery and Jim Crow. He was inspired by Du Bois but disagreed on one point: He felt that dance did help lift and define Black culture. In a 1936 essay, Douglas wrote:

The dance offered a field for the unrestricted expression of the Negroes’ creative passion. Here were no expensive instruments to be purchased, no weird symbols to be mastered, no unfamiliar tools and stubborn material to be overcome, only swift feet, strong legs, a lust for life and a soaring imagination. With this limited equipment the Negro has kept folk dancing alive in America when it has died almost everywhere else in the world. He has not only kept the dance alive, but in a spontaneous, revolutionary, creative state.[41]

Perhaps Douglas’ grandest ode to dance was a large mural called Evolution of Negro Dance created for the Harlem YMCA in 1935. Still visible on the wall of what is now a multipurpose room, the silhouetted figures tell a story that can be read from left to right: People crouching close to the ground with a ritual feeling (left) yield to fancy folks in top hats and poofy dresses (center), and then to a man in bowler hat playing a banjo (right). Though the mural is sorely in need of restoration, it still reveals the artist’s stylized shapes and masterful composition.

Aaron Douglas’ Evolution of Negro Dance, still up at the Harlem Y, ph by me

Many other paintings by Douglas depict dancing or jazz musicians. In The Congo several women—possibly nude, seen through a haze—respond to an unseen whirlwind. In Dance Magic a single woman dances in a nightclub, wearing provocative tassels. His illustrations for God’s Trombones (1927), a series of seven sermons in verse form by James Weldon Johnson, present each biblical scene— from “Creation” to “Judgment Day”—as a dance. According to Douglas’ biographer, jazz music “provided the backdrop for this series.”[42]

In some Douglas paintings such as Sahdji and I Couldn’t Hear Nobody Pray, a solo figure appears in counterpoint to a group. The silhouetted figures are so clear and the groupings are so well composed that these paintings evoke skillful choreography frozen in time.

INNOVATION AND IMPROVISATION
In both social and concert dancing, innovation was highly valued. Dance historian Jacqui Malone makes a point of the individuality expressed at both the Savoy and the Apollo.[43] Each dancer strove to create an individual style in order to stand out and be noticed.

Bill Robinson, NY Library for the Performing Arts, Van Vechten Trust

In the early twentieth century, Bill “Bojangles” Robinson had become a top name in vaudeville through constant experimentation. He developed speed, precision, and crystal clarity of sound, all while keeping a natural, elegant upper body.[44] Critic Robert Benchley called his quality “indescribably liquid, like a brook flowing over pebbles.”[45] Robinson brought tap dancing onto the balls of the feet, changing it from flat-footed buck dancing by infusing it with a sense of uplift. His famous stair dance was a wonder of elegance and ingenuity. When he was lured to Hollywood in the 1930s, he teamed up with the white child star Shirley Temple to make entertainment history as the first interracial duo to dance and sing together in four films.

Harlem was a magnet for other tappers, too. Between 1927 and 1934, Peg Leg Bates came from South Carolina, Charles “Honi” Coles and the Nicholas Brothers from Philadelphia, Baby Laurence from Baltimore, and Eddie Brown from Omaha, among others.[46] Many of them gathered at the Hoofers Club, a basement studio near the Lafayette Theatre. According to dance historian Constance Valis Hill, their jam sessions sometimes lasted all night as they challenged each other with variations of over-the-top, five-step wings, and backward trenches.[47] Apparently, their guiding rule was “Thou shalt not copy each other’s step—exactly.” [48] In fact, “stealin’ steps” was a way for each dancer to develop their own style and extend their range. The dancers allowed into the Hoofers Club were mostly Black men, although the charismatic young dancer Jeni LeGon was possibly the only woman to show up and be invited back.[49] In addition to Robinson, Coles, and Laurence, the regulars included John W. Bubbles, Leonard Reed, and Eddie Rector.

John Bubbles as Sportin’ Life in Porgy and Bess, 1935, via Oxford

The hoofers were tough on each other. If they did not think a dancer was laying down the iron, they would let him know. Bubbles was an experimenter and improviser who first came to the Hoofers Club as a teenager with a vaudeville act. When he showed his steps, he was laughed at—someone yelled, “You’re hurting the floor!”[50] Months later, after practicing in California, Bubbles returned, ready with a sure-fire original sequence. “Man, I was really fortified. Like a fellow with a double-barreled shotgun—who’s gonna stop me?”[51] According to Bubbles’ biographer Brian Harker, his new style was “fast and complex, audacious and unpredictable.” Instead of dancing on the balls of his feet like Robinson, he brought his weight back down to the heels and cut the tempo so he could pack his moves with syncopation. Bubbles may have been influenced by Lancaster clog dancers on the vaudeville circuit. “I took the white boys’ steps and the colored boys’ steps and mixed ’em all together so you couldn’t tell ’em, white from colored.”[52] Harker contends that his dancing “resembled the freewheeling solos of the great jazz artists of his time.”[53] In a wonderful clip from the Buck and Bubbles Varsity Show (1937)—where he performs with a partner—the duo’s comedic routine, snazzy steps, and impeccable timing are clear.[54] (My review of Harker’s biography is third one down in this link.)

The complex style Bubbles created was eventually called rhythm tap. Harker claims that jazz drumming was “rudimentary compared with rhythm tap.” Coles recalled that when jamming with the tap dancers, the drummers were able to deepen their own art.[55] Rhythm tap really caught on among young dancers. “Everybody during my maturing years wanted to be like Bubbles,” said Coles.[56]

Some of the dancers developed such a unique style that they became known as “eccentric dancers.” Rector developed his own way of combining new rhythms with free-flowing traveling steps and also performed atop three huge kettle drums.[57] A dancer named Johnnie Hudgins specialized in Chaplinesque hand and arm gestures.[58] Possibly the most far-out eccentric dancer was Earl “Snake Hips” Tucker, who would throw his hips way off to the side, undulate his spine outrageously, and then send a feverish shudder throughout his body.[59]

Invitation to a rent party, 1931

Improvisation was key to both social and stage dancing. At Saturday-night rent parties, as Hughes wrote, “the dancing and singing and impromptu entertaining went on until dawn came in at the windows.”[60] Often a well-known pianist like Fats Waller was hired, and revelers would be doing the Slow Drag. This was a couples dance with the loosest of structures, with partners first dancing together closely and slowly before separating and improvising their own steps. Renowned dancer and Lindy Hop master Frankie Manning recalls numerous variations of the Charleston that people came up with: “turnover Charleston, hand-to-hand Charleston, flying Charleston, long-legged Charleston, squat Charleston.”[61]

Josephine Baker The Conga, Ziegfeld Follies, NYC ©1936 AP

In describing rehearsals for shows on the TOBA circuit (the Black vaudeville network officially known as the Theater Owners Booking Association), Malone points out that directors and dancers “helped cultivate an atmosphere that encouraged improvisation on a wide scale.”[62] As end-girl in Shuffle Along, for instance, Josephine Baker kept the basic steps but added “crazy things.”[63] Once she was cast in the next Sissle and Blake production, The Chocolate Dandies, she started to develop her solos through improvisation. “She was a jazz artist,” wrote Rose in her biography, “and her inspired solos, while they took place in a context that had its own discipline, were great because of her gift for spontaneous invention.”[64] Needless to say, this combination of discipline and spontaneity took her on a ride all the way to Paris.

Like Baker, the Bahamian dancers organized by Hurston also improvised within a set structure. They felt so possessive of their own inventions that, as Hurston observed, sometimes they fought with each other about who “owned” the steps.[65]

As with literature and music, dance raised issues about class differences. As Danielle Robinson points out, the Slow Drag could be sexually suggestive, and conveyed a sense of backwoods milieu, of Black culture before it migrated north. Considered authentically Black by a younger generation, it was dismissed as too “lowdown” by Harlem elites. When the Slow Drag surfaced at the Apollo in Wallace Thurman’s play Harlem, the dance-along with Black slang and other elements some considered crude— created controversy.[66]

BLACK DANCE AS A SOURCE FOR WHITE DANCE
In the late 1920s, “white show business needed new dances,” according to Marshall and Jean Stearns, “and was beginning to realize that the Negro was an inexhaustible source.”[67] In 1914, the impresario Florenz Ziegfield bought a dance routine from the Black hit Darktown Follies 1914) for the Ziegfield Follies.[68] A few years later, famous white entertainers like Lucille Ball, Eleanor Powell, Paul Draper, Adele and Fred Astaire, and Mae West frequented the Billy Pierce Dance Studio in midtown to take lessons from Buddy Bradley.[69] A largely self-taught tapper, Bradley would teach all day, sometimes working with two students at a time. Black dancers like him got paid to choreograph for white performers but did not get credit for doing so.[70] As he explained:

Soloists always needed routines, so the black dancer, if he could put something together, could make some money. Not get recognition, mind you; we knew that the public would always think the stars just grew up talented and wonderful.[71]

While this imbalance was steeped in the racist attitudes of the time, Robinson points out that the desire of whites to learn Black dances enabled people like Bradley to establish teaching as a viable profession at a time when few Blacks could get jobs that paid as well. As their economic status rose, these dancers were able to join the middle class.[72]

Bradley also assisted Hollywood mastermind Busby Berkeley on several films, and worked on projects with ballet greats Anton Dolin, Frederick Ashton, and Léonide Massine.[73] Other choreographers—from George Balanchine to Jack Cole, Bob Fosse, and Jerome Robbins—also trekked up to Harlem to check out the dance scene there.[74]

Buddy Bradley in Evergreen 1934, via agefotostock

When white performers are influenced by Black dance, this type of borrowing is now widely considered to be cultural appropriation. Smith, however, simply calls it “pollination.”[75] The fact that the Black vernacular found its way into white culture was also seen as positive by James Weldon Johnson. In her foreword to the 2021 edition of his Black Manhattan, novelist Zadie Smith writes,

Whereas today “appropriation” is often viewed as cultural theft, for Johnson’s generation, to be worthy of appropriation signaled you had something worth appropriating, and therefore was a matter of pride.[76]

I cite these two viewpoints not because I agree or disagree, but to present another angle on today’s debates about the issue.

THE MARGINALIZATION OF DANCE
Although dance played a central role in the Harlem Renaissance, it was not recognized as important by scholars of the period. Neither Huggins nor Lewis mentions dance—other than incidentally—in their scholarly assessments of the Renaissance.

Among literary heavyweights of the time, only James Weldon Johnson placed dance on an equal footing with other art forms. In his classic memoir about racis, The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (1912), he exulted in the beauty of the Cakewalk. He had seen the international star Aida Overton Walker give this boisterous dance a measure of grace, earning the well-deserved nickname “Queen of the Cakewalk.” Johnson deemed this dance to be one of the great accomplishments of Black culture, along with sorrow songs and ragtime music, calling them “lower forms of art… that will some day be applied to the higher forms.”[77]

A few recent dance scholars, however, have argued that dance was already a “higher form of art.” In his book Grown Deep: Essays on the Harlem Renaissance, Richard Long wrote:

Black dance in its exalting and spirit-enhancing role in African life and in its utilitarian but also redemptive role in the folk life of the Diaspora is one of the great creations of the human spirit.[78]

Amen. But it was not until Perpener’s landmark book African-American Concert Dance: The Harlem Renaissance and Beyond (2001) that a scholar treated dance from this period seriously. After acknowledging that “dance was not held in high esteem as a theatrical art by the intelligentsia,” Perpener goes on to say:

In the world of cabarets, nightclubs and house parties, however, dance was the generator that propelled the frenetic escapism and optimism of the time. It physicalized the pervading spirit of abandon of the 1920s.[79]

CARRYING IT FORWARD

Katherine Dunham and Roger Ohardieno in Barrelhouse Blue, 1938.

Katherine Dunham, who took the dance world by storm in the 1940s and ’50s, had actually been involved in the wider New Negro Movement as it spread to cities beyond New York. She had met Hughes and Bontemps in Chicago, where they were part of the milieu of the Cube Theatre. Her brother Albert, a protégé of Locke, had established this venue as part of the “little theater” movement that later became known as community theater.[80] Unlike Du Bois’ Krigwa Players in New York, the Cube Theatre was racially integrated [81] and Dunham referred to it as “a people’s liberation group.”[82]

Joanna Dee Das, Dunham’s most recent biographer, points out that the Black Renaissance in Chicago hit its stride a decade after Harlem’s. She writes that after her anthropological field work in the Caribbean, Dunham’s performances “would enrich the transnational dimensions of the New Negro Movement in Chicago and alert fellow intellectuals to pay attention to the dancing body as part of their investigations into the black experience.”[83] When she moved to New York in 1939, she lived in Lower Manhattan but often went uptown to visit. “In Harlem I learned the fine points of jitterbugging, which always reminded me of the Jamaican mento or shay-shay,” she recalled. “We danced Cuban rumbas and boleros at the Campo Amor on Lenox Avenue and Lindy Hop at Small’s Paradise.”[84]

Archie Savage, who had danced with Hemsley Winfield in the 1920s, became a leading dancer with the Dunham company the following decade, forging a direct link from the early concert scene in Harlem to the world tours of what became the Dunham juggernaut by the 1940s.

Archie Savage ph Van Vechten Trust, 1942

In 1943 dancer/choreographer and African dance advocate Pearl Primus named one of her dances after “The Negro Speaks of Rivers,” the Hughes poem that signaled the dawn of a new consciousness among young Black poets.[85] In this way she honored one of the great figures of the Harlem Renaissance.

And then there’s Bruce Nugent, the dancer/writer who had performed with Winfield and frequented Harlem’s drag balls. He not only created a bridge between the gay scene of the Harlem Renaissance and post-Stonewall culture, he also helped rebuild Harlem’s arts institutions in the 1960s. He was a co-founder of the Harlem Cultural Council (HCC), which funded the DanceMobile and Jazz-Mobile—flatbed trucks that brought dance and music to the inner city.[86] (Interestingly, one of the mainstays of the DanceMobile was Eleo Pomare, whose own style of non-binary strutting anticipated voguing at drag balls.) The HCC procured political support for a new building for the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture (a branch of NY Public Library), which houses many dance archives. Nugent also played a key role in challenging the Metropolitan Museum of Art to redress its customary exclusion of Blacks, resulting in the 1969 exhibition Harlem on My Mind.

In addition, the Harlem Renaissance flowed into the modern dance of today through the friendship between Langston Hughes and Alvin Ailey. As documented in Jennifer Dunning’s excellent biography of Ailey, the two worked together on a number of projects involving the Blues. One of these was the play “Jericho-Jim Crow,” which opened in Greenwich Village in 1964 to positive reviews.[87] Twenty-three years earlier, Hughes had attempted to collaborate with Dunham, but nothing came of it. However, he worked with Anna Sokolow on Kurt Weill’s 1929 production of the operatic Street Scene, writing the lyrics while she did the choreography.[88]

In the realm of dance, Ailey’s transcendent ballet Revelations (1960) in a way fulfills Du Bois’ original vision for the Harlem Renaissance. Performed to some of the same spirituals that were sung by the Fisk Jubilee Singers—the very group that helped inspire his vision—it has been seen by 23 million people in 71 countries, according to the Kennedy Center website. This beloved ballet, which conveys joy overcoming struggle, arouses admiration and respect for Black people all over the world.

Obviously, the Harlem Renaissance did not accomplish Du Bois’ goal of diminishing racism in America. But it remains a vibrant period in history that laid the foundation for African American artists to blossom and thrive. In a less visible way than in literature—and with fewer famous names—dance infused Harlem with its infectious energy. It inspired artists in other disciplines to test their wings and discover their own versions of freedom. At the same time, dance was a catalyst for the growing awareness of the complexities of race and class. The Renaissance eventually led to the swing era, a period in which Black vernacular dance spread like wildfire and merged with white culture to become American culture.

§§§

 

Special thanks to Peter Kayafas, who helped shape this essay, to Mary Louise Patterson and Jim Siegel for their advice, to Angelina Hoffman for photo research, and to Thomas DeFrantz, who shepherded the first version of this essay, which was published in EmBODYing Liberation: The Black Body in American Dance, edited by Dorothea Fischer-Hornung and Alison D. Goeller for Forecaast, in 2001.

 

 

NOTES

[1] Arnold Rampersad, “Introduction,” in Alain Locke, ed., The New Negro (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997 [1925]), p. xxvi.

[2] Locke, The New Negro, p. ix.

[3] Lynne Fauley Emery, Black Dance: From 1619 to Today (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Book Co., 1988), p. 213.

[4] Ibid., p. 186.

[5] Langston Hughes, The Big Sea (New York: Hill, 1997 (1940), p. 62.

[6] Phyllis Rose, Jazz Cleopatra: Josephine Baker in Her Time (New York: Vintage Books, 1991), p. 55.

[7] Nathan Irvin Huggins, Harlem Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 289.

[8] Jacqui Malone, Steppin’ on the Blues: The Visible Rhythms of African American Dance (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1996), pp. 75-78.

[9] David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue (New York: Random House, 1991 (1979]). p. 95.

[10] Locke, The New Negro, p. 199.

[11] Emery, Black Dance, p. 224.

[12] “Whiteys Lindy Hoppers…Helzapoppin” (video),

[13] Evelyn Louise Crawford and Mary Louise Patterson, eds., Letters from Langston: From the Harlem Renaissance to the Red Scare and Beyond (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2016), p. 238.

[14] Alyn Shipton, Hi-De-Ho: The Life of Cab Calloway (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 39-40.

[15] Ibid., p. 60.

[16] Ibid., p. 37.

[17] Hughes, The Big Sea, pp. 224-25.

[18] Richard A. Long, The Black Tradition in American Dance (New York: Rizzoli, 1989), p. 25.

[19] For more on Winfield’s tragically short career, see my essay on him here.

[20] Susan Manning, Modern Dance, Negro Dance: Race in Motion (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), p. 54.

[21] John O. Perpener III, African American Concert Dance: The Harlem Renaissance and Beyond (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2001), P. 111

[22] Anthea Kraut, Choreographing the Folk: The Dance Stagings of Zora Neale Hurston (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), p. 72.

[23] James F. Wilson, Bulldaggers, Pansies, and Chocolate Babies: Performance, Race, and Sexuality in the Harlem Renaissance (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2010), p. 82.

[24] Ibid., p. 86.

[25] George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890–1940 (New York: Basic Books, 2019 [1994]), p. 310.

[26] Ibid., p. 245.

[27] Ibid., p. 310.

[28] Ibid., p. 12.

[29] Quoted in Wilson, Bulldaggers, Pansies, and Chocolate Babies, p. 86. This description sounds much like the voguing ballroom scenes in the recent FX series Pose, which focused on New York City’s LGBTQ subculture in the 1980s.

[30] Thomas H. Wirth, ed., Gay Rebel of the Harlem Renaissance: Selections from the Work of Richard Bruce Nugent (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), p. 33.

[31] Ibid., p. 100.

[32] Ibid., pp. xi-xii.

[33] Tsione Wolde-Michael, “A Brief History of Voguing.” on Smithsonian website at https://nmaahc.si.edu/explore/stories/brief-history-voguing

[34] Nella Larsen, Quicksand and Passing (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986 [1928, 1929]), pp. 82-83.

[35] Langston Hughes, The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes (New York: Random House, 1994), p. 334.

[36] Locke, The New Negro, p. 214.

[37] Oral history interview with Bruce Nugent conducted by Jean Blackwell Hutson, 1982. New York Public Library, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture.

[38] John O. Perpener III, “The Dance Legacy of Zora Neale Hurston.” Dance Chronicle 33.1 (2010), p. 162.

[39] Zora Neale Hurston, “Color Struck: A Play in Four Scenes,” in FIRE!!: A Quarterly Devoted to the Younger Negro Artists (1926), p. 12.

[40] Amy Helene Kirschke, Aaron Douglas: Art, Race, and the Harlem Renaissance (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1995), p. 65.

[41] Matthew Baigell and Julia Williams, eds., Artists Against War and Fascism: Papers of the American Artists’ Congress (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986 (1936), p. 79.

[42] Kirschke, Aaron Douglas, p. 41.

[43] Malone, Steppin’ on the Blues, p. 101.

[44] Megan Pugh, American Dancing: From the Cakewalk to the Moonwalk (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015), pp. 29-83.

[45] Marshall Winslow Stearns and Jean Stearns, Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance (New York: Da Capo Press, 1994 (1968]), p. 156.

[46] Brian Harker, Sportin’ Life: John W. Bubbles, an American Classic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022), p. 137-138.

[47] Constance Valis Hill, Tap Dancing America: A Cultural History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 87.

[48] Rusty E. Frank, Tap! The Greatest Tap Dance Stars and Their Stories, 1900-1955 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1990), p. 42.

[49] Ibid., p. 126.

[50] Steven Watson, The Harlem Renaissance: Hub of African-American Culture, 1920-1930 (New York: Pantheon Books,1995), P. 112.

[51] Harker, Sportin’ Life, p. 71.

[52] Ibid., p. 73.

[53] Ibid., p. 74.

[54] “Buck and Bubbles Varsity Show-1937” (video), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dCpKx64EivE.

[55] Harker, Sportin’ Life, p. 141.

[56] Ibid., p. 138.

[57] Marian Horosko, “Tap, Tapping, and Tappers.” Dance Magazine (October 1971), pp. 32-37.

[58] Stearns and Stearns, Jazz Dance, p. 146.

[59] Ibid., p. 237.

[60] Hughes, The Big Sea, p. 229.

[61] Frankie Manning and Cynthia R. Millman, Frankie Manning: Ambassador of Lindy Hop (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. 2001.

[62] Malone, Steppin’ on the Blues, p. 81.

[63] Stearns and Stearns, Jazz Dance, p. 134.

[64] Rose, Jazz Cleopatra, p. 60.

[65] Kraut, Choreographing the Folk, p. 65.

[66] Danielle Robinson, Modern Moves: Dancing Race during the Ragtime and Jazz Eras (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), pp. 35-43.

[67] Stearns and Stearns, Jazz Dance, p. 163.

[68] Long, The Black Tradition, p. 85; Stearns and Stearns, Jazz Dance, p. 125; and Hill, Tap Dancing America, p. 45.

[69] Hill, Tap Dancing America, p. 85; and Horosko, “Tap, Tapping, and Tappers,” p. 35.

[70] Stearns and Stearns, Jazz Dance, p. 162.

[71] Horosko, “Tap, Tapping, and Tappers,” p. 35.

[72] Robinson, Modern Moves, pp. 129–148.

[73] Long, The Black Tradition, p. 38; and Pugh, America Dancing, p. 121.

[74] Watson, The Harlem Renaissance, p. 109.

[75] Norma Miller and Evette Jensen, Swingin’ at the Savoy: The Memoir of a Jazz Dancer (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996), p. xix.

[76] James Weldon Johnson, Black Manhattan (New York: IG Publishing, 2021 [1930]), p. xiv.

[77] James Weldon Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (New York: Compass Circle, 2019 [1912]), p. 53.

[78] Richard A. Long, Grown Deep: Essays on the Harlem Renaissance (Winter Park, FL: Four-G Publishers, 1998), p. 93.

[79] Perpener, “African American Dance,” p. 17.

[80] VèVè A. Clark and Sara E. Johnson, eds., Kaiso! Writings by and about Katherine Dunham (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2005), p. 109.

[81] Joanna Dee Das, Katherine Dunham: Dance and the African Diaspora (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), p. 19.

[82] Clark and Johnson, Kaiso!, p. 420.

[83] Das, Katherine Dunham, pp. 36-37.

[84] Katherine Dunham, “Early New York Collaborations,” Clark and Johnson, Kaiso!, p. 136.

[85] Long, The Black Tradition, p. 76.

[86] Wirth, Gay Rebel of the Harlem Renaissance, p. 37.

[87] Jennifer Dunning, Alvin Ailey: A Life in Dance (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1996), pp. 177-78.

[88] Larry Warren, Anna Sokolow: The Rebellious Spirit (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1998), pp. 83-84.

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“Free to Dance” on PBS

I wrote this preview of the PBS documentary “Free to Dance” for the New York Times, which published it on June 17, 2001. The passing of Charles Reinhart has prompted me to post it now because “Free to Dance” came out of a larger program that Charlie and his wife Stephanie launched called The Black Tradition in American Modern Dance. It was also made into a book written by Richard A. Long with annotated photos by Joe Nash. Charlie and Stephanie were executive producers on “Free to Dance,” which is now available on YouTube. The Reinharts received a joint Dance Magazine Award in 2003, she posthumously. Looking back at what I wrote, I see it as not only a preview, but as a brief overview of Blacks in twentieth-century concert dance. I’ve inserted photos (mostly from the Joe Nash collection), links, and phrases in brackets that supply relevant material. The headline given by the NY Times editors was “The Struggle of the Black Artist to Dance Freely.”

 

“Free to Dance,” a richly resonant new documentary from PBS, shows how Black dance artists honor their heritage and transform their responses to society into glorious dancing. It also challenges the conventional wisdom that modern dance was a creation of white choreographers.

Edna Guy in A Figure in Angkor-Wat by Ruth St. Denis

One of its revelations is the heartbreaking correspondence between Edna Guy and Ruth St. Denis. Guy, a Black teenager ardently dedicated to dance, appeals to ”Miss Ruth,” icon of ”aesthetic dancing,” for advice on how she can become an artist. St. Denis, who begins her letters ”Dear Girlie,” at first denies Guy access to classes at the Denishawn school, but later, in 1924, opens the doors. [Edna Guy worked closely with Hemsley Winfield before he died at 28 years old.]

Instead of graduating into the company like the other girls, however, Guy is relegated to the job of seamstress. Discouraged, she creates dances with her friends to Negro spirituals and gets ousted from the company altogether. On the rebound, Guy immerses herself in the Harlem Renaissance and eventually invites Katherine Dunham to perform in New York in 1936, becoming a key link in the history of Blacks in dance.

Katherine Dunham and Roger Ohardieno in Barrelhouse, 1938

A sense of freedom gained through struggle permeates the dancing on the screen as well as in the words of the performers interviewed in ”Free to Dance,” which will be shown as part of WNET’s Dance in America series next Sunday [June 24, 2001]. From Ms. Dunham, the ground-breaking dancer and anthropologist, to the Cunningham-influenced Gus Solomon’s jr, we see the wide array of choices that Black choreographers have made about how—or whether—to draw on their cultural heritage.

Gus Solomons, c. 1960s

The connection of dance to daily life is kept in focus throughout the three-hour program. Ms. Dunham says of her research in the Caribbean, ”I could not learn the dances without knowing the people.” Just as Ms. Dunham participated in spirit-possession rituals in Haiti, Pearl Primus picked cotton in Alabama. Modern dance is not something remote and fantastical but connected to real lives, from the chain gangs of Donald McKayle’s ”Rainbow Round My Shoulder” (1959) to the domestic worker portrayed in Alvin Ailey’s ”Cry” (1970) to the young people dancing in clubs in Talley Beatty’s ”Stack Up” (1982).

Judith Jamison in Ailey’s Cry ph Max Waldman, 1976

Political awareness is inevitable. The dancer Jacqueline Goldman says, ”I heard Alvin Ailey’s dream before I heard Martin Luther King’s dream.” The issue of police brutality crops up as a child’s rhyme in Mr. McKayle’s ”Games” (1951).

The communal spirit of the circle, as seen in the clapping and stomping ring-shouts of plantation dances and the Black Bottom of the 1920’s, threads through the evening. Juxtapositions between the old and the new affect us on a subliminal level. Bill T. Jones, dancing his 1987 solo ”Etudes,” repeats a twisting movement, body low, arms swaying side to side in response to swiveling hips—a lyrical version of the twist.

Similar motions surface in the footage of ring-shouts of former slaves and the movements of the West African choreographer Asadata Dafora in the 1930’s. Moments like these reinforce the idea of an ”African cultural continuum” set forth by the art historian Richard Powell.

Charles Moore in Asadata Dafora’s Ostrich Dance

For a pure dance high, there is Primus’s forceful amalgam of African and modern dance accompanied by African drummers, Eleo Pomare’s alarming portrayal of a junkie with the shakes in ”Blues for the Jungle” (1966), Blondell Cummings’s feisty gesturing in a television adaptation of ”Chicken Soup” (1988) and Mr. McKayle’s and Ron Brown’s individual versions of the rumba, seen in a rehearsal of their collaboration, ”Children of the Passage” (1998). Other gems are clips of the young Alvin Ailey with Carmen de Lavallade in a duet by Lester Horton; Mr. Jones and Arnie Zane giddily bouncing off each other’s energy; Gary Harris’s spiraling arms and percussive chest in a reconstruction of Dafora’s ”Ostrich Dance” (1932) (click here for an excerpt of Ronald K. Brown performing this dance); Tommy Gomez (unidentified in the film) coiling fiercely in Ms. Dunham’s ”Shango” (1945); and Maia Claire Garrison’s tough pelvic moves in Jawole Willa Jo Zollar’s ”Batty Moves” (1995). The documentary also includes stirring clips from Talley Beatty, Garth Fagan and Ulysses Dove.

Mary Hinkson in Graham’s Diversion of Angels, Library of Congress

Missing are Black dancers who did not choreograph but who left their marks. Who could forget Mary Hinkson, who brought her etched lines and womanly power to Martha Graham’s roles? Or Carolyn Adams, who infused Paul Taylor’s dances with a joyous buoyancy over a 20-year period? What was their influence on the white choreographers they danced for? And what about Syvilla Fort (seen fleetingly in a ”Stormy Weather” excerpt), the Dunham principal who led her thriving school? Also missing are many of the Black choreographers who have emerged in the last 10 or 15 years. Another frustration for the curious: some of the footage is not identified.

Carolyn Adams ph Kenn Duncan

But these are quibbles. The result of a 10-year project initiated by Gerald Myers of American Dance Festival, ”Free to Dance” is a gift to modern dance and a moving addition to the field of cultural studies. By showing a glimpse of the mighty contributions of Black choreographers, the program, produced and directed by Madison Lacy, questions the accepted notion that modern dance was launched by the four white ”pioneers” Martha Graham, Doris Humphrey, Charles Weidman and Hanya Holm. Certainly Katherine Dunham and perhaps Pearl Primus could be added to that list of elders. Anyone interested in dance as an art will savor every minute of this ambitious and illuminating program.

 

 

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Elaine Summers (1925–2014)

As a young dancer with recurring back spasms, I sought relief with various physical therapies. Around 1971, Sandra Neels, a longtime Merce Cunningham dancer, told me about Elaine Summers’ approach to somatic healing. Teaching only a few people at a time, Elaine would pay deep attention to our physical tendencies and give us time to sprawl out on the floor, with rubber balls placed underneath areas of tension or pain. With her pleasant face and gentle voice, she could almost talk our clenched muscles into letting go. She was always delighted by our discoveries about our own body holdings. When I started dancing with Trisha Brown in 1975, I was happy to see that she used the balls also. Trisha once told me that one of the reasons she invited me into her company was that she knew I’d studied with Elaine. Only later did I learn of Elaine’s artistic innovations. And only after digging into this research did I realize how much her multi-faceted work influenced the trajectory of the groundbreaking Judson Dance Theater.

 

“You should not make an effort to ‘see,’ but to let everything flow to you. I feel the choreographer and the dancers are having [a] conversation with the audience.” —Elaine Summers [1]

 

Elaine in her loft on Third Street, Ph Dan Budnik.

Elaine Summers was a founding member of Judson Dance Theater, the historic band of renegades that re-routed modern dance into post-modern dance. But she did not make her name as a choreographer like her peers Yvonne Rainer, Trisha Brown, and Lucinda Childs. Rather, she became a leader in somatic practice while also becoming a key player in the new field of Intermedia (investigating the space between defined media) Her healing system, Kinetic Awareness, which uses rubber balls to target tension, is used by many dancers today, usually in diluted form. She also one of the first to combine experimental film and dance. In everything she did, she applied John Cage’s principles of art and life being inextricable and of chance as a method of composing. Her enduring contributions to the dance and art worlds were filmdance (where film and dance are necessary to each other), Intermedia, and Kinetic Awareness. To these three, I would add a fourth: Summers actively brought people of color into the Judson fold of early post-modern dance.

Summers was born in Perth, Australia, as Lillian Elaine Smithers. The family moved to Boston when Elaine was 5, and she started begging for dance lessons at 6. While she was attending the Academy of the Assumption in Wellesley Hills, one of the nuns teamed up with the janitor to teach an Irish jig—a memorable treat for the young Elaine. She went on to ballet lessons at Miss Hall’s School in Pittsfield, where she encountered Senia and Regina Russakoff. This married couple had been Russian ballet dancers in Saint Petersburg; Senia had performed in Pavlova’s company and also on the American Vaudeville circuit. Because her parents did not support her dance fervor in any way, Elaine earned the money for classes by babysitting and selling hats on weekends. Nor did her mother encourage her to go to college, but two good friends urged her to apply to the Massachusetts School of Art (now the Massachusetts College of Art and Design). There she encountered a teacher who was important to her—Priscilla Nye. Nye believed that everyone has uniqueness within them, an idea that became a cornerstone of Kinetic Awareness. Nye also introduced Elaine to the teachings of psychologist Carl Jung.[2]

After graduating with a degree in art education in 1947, Elaine married a student named Warren (sometimes Dan) Spaulding, who was going to school on the G.I. bill. The couple moved to St. Louis, where she taught art and continued taking ballet lessons. In the summer of 1952 she went to Alfred University to take an advanced ceramics course. There she met visual artist Carol Summers, who became her second husband. They came to New York, where Summers studied at the Martha Graham school and then attended Juilliard as an extension (non-credit) student. There, she took ballet with Antony Tudor, modern dance with members of the Martha Graham Dance Company (mostly Yuriko), and composition with Louis Horst.[3] Among her classmates were the choreographer Paul Taylor, the exquisite Cunningham dancer Carolyn Brown, and Donya Feuer, who later collaborated with Paul Sanasardo.  She studied with dance artists outside of Juilliard too, most notably Janet Collins, who, in 1951, became the first Black ballerina to perform at the Metropolitan Opera House. Collins had been in Lester Horton’s company in Los Angeles. Her technique was equally dazzling in modern dance and ballet, inspiring younger Black dancers including her cousin, Carmen de Lavallade, and Alvin Ailey. In 1949, Dance Magazine named Collins “The Most Outstanding Debutante of the Season.”[4] Collins headed a short-lived touring company in the mid-50s that included Elaine. According to Summers’ friend Daryl Chin, it was her experience with Collins that gave her the awareness that a dance company could/should be racially integrated.[5]

While training intensively at Juilliard, Summers developed osteoarthritis in her right hip—“sheer agony,” she said.[6] She told her psychotherapist, a Jungian named Renée Nell, about a dream she had of being able to dance pain-free. Nell suggested she consult with Charlotte Selver, a disciple of Elsa Gindler.[7] A leader of somatic practice or “physical re-education” in Germany, Gindler countered the mechanistic nature of traditional calisthenics by encouraging students to shed their habits of tension. She guided them to investigate movement with a sense of discovery, bringing consciousness to the “experiments.”[8] For Summers, learning Gindler’s approach was “revolutionary to me…It was especially difficult for me to give up cultural body images and the ballet dancer’s body image.”[9]

Elaine Summers on a NY Street, Elaine Summers Papers @NYPL

After two years with Selver, Elaine studied with Carola Speads, another Gindler master student, for about five years. (Both Speads and Selver, being Jewish, had fled Germany.) About her first class with Speads, Summers said, “Satori! I realized I was a dancer but didn’t know anything about the body except what to tell it to do.”[10] From Speads, she learned to slow down and listen to the body, to be aware of “how our body loves to move… to feel the deliciousness of being in touch with all the senses of our kinetic self.”[11] To understand Selver and Speads’ work in context, she started reading books like Mary Ellsworth Todd’s The Thinking Body (1937) and Wilhelm Reich’s Character Analysis (1933), in which he introduced the concept of body armor.

When speaking about Selver (who was a Buddhist), or Speads, Summers could wax mystical: “Those teachers are part of this wonderful underlying overhead magic that there is more than we can see, but the evidence is there. I love the idea that what we do as teachers and artists is we make evident the invisible.” [12]

In developing her own healing system of Kinetic Awareness, Summers combined the subjective experience of sensing the body with an “objective” knowledge of anatomy and physiology. “I would read anatomy as if it was candy,” she recalled.[13] Her goal, as quoted by her disciple Ellen Saltonstall, was “to move every part of the body all the ways it can go, easily, any time you want, with as much or as little tension as you want, at any speed.”[14]  Thomas Körtvélyessy, who manages the Elaine Summers Dance and Film site, says, that KA has been  “a tool for training our bodies, enabling us to also incorporate teachings from other kinds in a very safe, self-empowered way.”

Summers never promoted one way as the way. As dancer/choreographer Juliette Mapp remembers, Elaine was open to other sources of information. She wanted the students to collect their own array of sources, to follow their curiosity.[15]

Elaine Summers, 1975. Ph Davidson Gigliotti.

During the late ’50s, she continued taking and teaching dance classes. She was studying with modern dance heavies like Mary Anthony (she liked the breathing exercises) and Don Redlich (for his attention to alignment). She took Merce Cunningham’s classes, including his weekend workshops in repertory. In her own teaching gigs, she encountered widely divergent student bodies. At the Hawthorne School in Westchester County (probably the Hawthorne Cedar Knolls School, which shut down in 2018), she was dealing with students plagued by mental health and substance abuse issues, while at a school in Roslyn, Long Island, the students were from privileged families. With her eternally curious nature, she absorbed all of the problems and learned from them.

Elaine with film camera, NYPL Digital Collections, 1960–1969, Jerome Robbins Dance Division.

In 1959, at Haystack Mountain, an experimental School of Crafts in Maine, she met avant-garde filmmaker Stan VanDerBeek, who had been at Black Mountain College when Merce Cunningham and John Cage were bubbling up with different ways of organizing performance. He experimented with collage and with creating immersive film environments, both modes that can be seen in Summers’ later work. Also that summer, Elaine recalled, “Somebody was giving a talk about John Cage’s chance method, which I, of course, thought was really ridiculous.”[16] (Needless to say, she reversed her opinion with what came next.)

In the fall of 1960, Robert Dunn, at the bidding of John Cage, offered classes in dance composition at Merce Cunningham’s studio in the Chelsea neighborhood. Among the first five students were Yvonne Rainer, Steve Paxton, and Simone Forti. Word spread. To understand Dunn’s approach and how fertile it was, I offer these thoughts from Dunn himself, which he wrote while looking back twenty years later:

My general attitude in teaching was influenced by several somewhat disparate factions. I was impressed by what I had come to know of Bauhaus education in the arts, particularly from the writings of Moholy-Nagy, in its emphasis on the nature of the materials and on basic structural elements. Association with John Cage had led to the project of constantly extending perceptive boundaries and contexts. From Heidegger, Sartre, Far Eastern Buddhism, and Taoism, in some personal amalgam, I had the notion in teaching of making a ‘clearing’, a sort of ‘space of nothing,’ in which things could appear and grow in their own nature. Before each class, I made the attempt to attain this state of mind, with varying success of course…[17]

At that time, when young dancers perceived Graham’s emotionality and Limón’s noble groundedness as old hat, Dunn’s approach opened up a fresh avenue of creativity. Students felt freed by Dunn’s openness and lack of judgment. Instead of declaring whether a study was good or bad, he would ask the students, “What did you see?”[18]

Elaine, interviewed by Tony Carruthers of the Bennington College Judson Project, c. 1980.

Summers had just started experimenting in film with VanDerBeek. For her, film was a logical outgrowth of dance: “Exploration of light and movement naturally led me to filmmaking. Film to me is another form of dance: Camera movement and editing are another form of choreography.” She felt that film gives the eyes a certain power. When interviewed by Tony Carruthers of the Bennington College Judson Project, she said, “Film gives you as the audience, or you as the choreographer, wild eyes, like an animal that can come up to you [going right up to Carruther’s face] and see your whiskers in your beard.”[19]

She was also entranced by the light of a film projector. “What’s magical about film is that … you don’t see [its light] until an object goes in front of it…a floating image you don’t see until you put your arm through it.”[20] She started shooting pedestrian traffic and manipulating the footage—changing the speed, the angle, the framing. “Filmmaking allows me to exploit the motion within the image and edit the film as if it were a dancer.”[21]

By the time Summers enrolled in Bob Dunn’s classes, the roster included Trisha Brown, Lucinda Childs, Ruth Emerson, Deborah Hay, and others. The assignments were not only chance procedures, but other approaches too, like Make a Dadaist cut-up, where you cut up something old to make something new, or, Do a dance that is stripped down to utter simplicity—“one thing.”[22]

Dunn encouraged students to value the ordinary, rather than dressing things up to be fancier or more “interesting” than necessary. They were going for natural movement, rather than trained or stylized movement. Part of the rebelliousness of Judson Dance Theater was they didn’t want to “reassure the audience”—Summers’ words—that they would provide the conventions of professionalism.[23] Shedding ballet mannerisms, which was a goal in the sensory awareness work, was also a goal at Judson. Using chance mechanisms, like rolling the dice and making a chart of corresponding actions, helped make that happen. You might be assigned to move a body part in a way you’ve never done before. For Summers, “It was an expansion of how you thought about dance and ways of structuring dances that would help open the prison of your mind.”[24]

Summers remembers the feedback for her first dance, which she had made as part of a film project:

I was working on my first film with Eugene Friedman and I made a dance for it based on the legend of Ondine. Steve Paxton said very kindly—not unkindly—to me, “Well, I didn’t like that much,” … It was my first dance. I got puzzled, so I went home and thought about how I could change it. I thought: I like it, and I like what I’m thinking about in this piece. So, I did it again—fixing a little but not much. When I finished, Steve said, “Well, I don’t like the dance any better, but you sure danced the hell out of it.” Wasn’t that a lovely thing to say?[25]

Elaine, having been involved in Christian Science growing up, always put a positive spin on things.[26] Paxton, on the other hand, made it his practice to dispense with the veneer of societal decorum.

Summers appreciated the environment that Bob Dunn fostered: “How could a man of such a gentle elusive presence be so direct, cutting to the core of our imaginations? Explaining, lighting pathways, with no effort to control, only to expand our consciousness.”[27] In terms of the Cage-inspired method Dunn was teaching, she connected it to her arts training at Mass College: “He was teaching us the chance method, an extraordinary teaching method. It makes you lay out in front of you all of the elements—what is possible for you to choose from. I had art school training, where you tried to deal with elements, the Bauhaus tradition. If you were dealing with ceramics, you tried to deal with the clay itself. With all creative work, you need to understand the elements.”[28]

After about a year and a half, the students felt they had enough work to show to the public. (The Cunningham studio was on the top floor of a building owned by the Living Theatre, so they occasionally showed their work downstairs in that studio. But it was a small space and they needed something larger, though still intimate.) For more on how they auditioned for the 92nd Street YM-YWHA—the 20th century’s bastion of modern dance—and how they arrived at Judson Memorial Church, see my account of all that.

Contact sheet of photo shoot, c. 1962, of Elaine with Rudy Perez, the beginnings of Take Your Alligator With You, found on Rudy Perez Dance, gift of Elaine Summers, photographer unknown.

The church gave the young dancers performance space, rehearsal space, and help with mailings. Summers felt like the Church was giving them a grant, and the icing on the cake was their emotional support. (It seemed to Elaine that Carmines and Moody actually liked the dances.) For the first concert, held on July 6, 1962, the fourteen participating dance artists created twenty-three pieces, and Dunn oversaw the whole sequence.

The opening number on that first evening, “A Concert of Dance” (later named Concert #1), was not actually a dance. It was Elaine’s film collaboration with composer John Herbert McDowell and filmmaker Eugene Friedman. Titled Overture, it tossed together 16 mm images that McDowell had collected from old W. C. Fields films with footage Friedman and Summers had shot. “We put bits and pieces of film in a brown paper bag and used a telephone book as a ‘chance’ mechanism.”[29] The film collage was projected onto a curtain that the audience had to walk through in order to get to their seats. Dance scholar Sally Banes observed, “So from the moment the concert started, the irreverent trespassing of artistic boundaries was present.”[30]

The New York Times critic Allen Hughes wrote that “The overture was perhaps the key to the success of the evening, for through its random juxtaposition of unrelated subjects—children playing, trucks parked under the West Side Highway, W. C. Fields, and so on—the audience was quickly transported out of the everyday world where events are supposed to be governed by logic, even if they are not.”[31]

Also on the program were two live dances by Summers. The first, Instant Chance, was a loving, though possibly too-cute, spoof of the chance method. Noticing that sometimes a chance score was hidden, or not legible, Summers wanted to make her score really obvious. The seven dancers threw bulky foam “dice” into the air, each one about the size of a beachball, and when they landed the dancers would get their cues for what task to do. The color determined the speed and the number governed the rhythm—say a 2/4 or a waltz. Later iterations included options of types of actions, for example tensing, or swinging, or rippling.[32] For the second, The Daily Wake, Summers used the front page of The Daily News as a map for the dance. She taught the dancers (including one non-dancer, the composer John Herbert McDowell) positions she saw in the paper. These included “swimming, an umpire, soldiers, a handshake, Rockefeller, a bride, graduation, and a Panino advertisement.”[33] She also gave them numbered phrases and a floor pattern similar to a newspaper layout.

Elaine and Rudy Perez in his “Take Your Alligator with You,” 1963, Judson Sanctuary. Ph Al Giese.

Other choreographers that first night included Yvonne Rainer, Steve Paxton, Ruth Emerson, David Gordon, Fred Herko, and Deborah Hay. It was a long program, but the choreographers, dancers, and the audience, who had crammed into the church in ninety-degree heat, felt it was the beginning of something new. In her memoir, Feelings Are Facts, Rainer described the elation:

We were all wildly ecstatic afterward. As the audience enthusiastically applauded at the end, I clasped Judy [Dunn] around the waist, hoisted her in the air as we both exclaimed, “It’s a positive alternative!” The church would become our home, its basement gymnasium available for weekly workshops and additional performance space, an alternative to once-a-year hire-a hall mode of operating that had plagued the struggling modern dance before. Here we could present things more frequently, more cheaply, and—most important of all—more cooperatively.[34]

The high after that first concert generated energy for the next two years. Elaine had been teaching at the Turnau Opera House in Woodstock, New York, and she decided to bring a bunch of her dance pals up there for “Another Concert of Dance” (later called Concert #2). This concert comprised Overture, The Daily Wake, and works by Ruth Emerson, Liz Keen (a Paul Taylor dancer whom Elaine met in Speads’ class), and Summers’ new Suite. This last was a takeoff on Louis Horst’s course in Pre-classic Forms, which he developed in the 1930s in order to impose structure on the messy new genre of modern dance. She followed his format, choosing as her pre-Classic dances the Galliard and the Saraband—and the Twist. It was a brilliant decision to claim a current social dance as a hallowed court dance, thereby democratizing the forms. To further democratize, she invited the audience to twist along with the dancers.[35]

Theatre Piece for Chairs and Ladders, 1960s, with Al Hansen and Phoebe Neville. Ph Terry Schutté in Dance Magazine

Dunn taught the weekly sessions for two years, sometimes assisted by his wife Judith (Goldsmith) Dunn, who was a dancer in Cunningham’s company. Then there was a hiatus, during which the students continued workshops and discussions in Yvonne Rainer’s new loft.[36] When the basement of Judson Church became available on Monday nights, they held workshops there. At that point, Dunn dropped out as a teacher and the group was on its own. Now a leaderless collective, they adopted Ruth Emerson’s suggestion of making decisions by consensus, Quaker-style.

The democracy of the feedback sessions appealed to Summers: “One of the rules was that there was no president. We were all equal and we sat in a circle.”[37] She described how each week a different person was responsible for the method of critiquing. During Paxton’s week as facilitator, she recalled, “Steve said, ‘You may each say one thing you actually saw take place in the dance and it will be one sentence long and that’s it.’ ”[38]

Although Summers had been developing Kinetic Awareness since the 1950s, it wasn’t until Concert #6, in June 1963, that she made a dance based on her practice. In Dance for Carola, she simply moved from standing to squatting—taking almost ten minutes to do it. Carola Speads had taught her the benefits of slow motion, and Dunn had given the assignment of “one thing.” Summers thought her colleagues would hate it, but they surprised her with their enthusiasm. Rudy Perez, who had danced duets with her, sighed, “Ah, that is so beautiful.”[39] He said he liked it so much it could have gone on longer. (In another interview, she said Rudy was jumping up and down.[40]) When Perez created his extraordinary solo, Countdown (1966), in which he rose from a chair in slow motion to the Songs of the Auvergne, he may well have been influenced by Summers’ slow-motion Dance for Carola. (The haunting Countdown was later performed by the Ailey company—probably the only Judson dance ever taken into a major company’s rep.)

Summers asked Bob Dunn to create music for a dance she was making during the summer of 1963, when four Judson performances were held at Gramercy Arts Theater. (These concerts, #9–#12, were also organized by Elaine.) Treating the theater a site-specific opportunity, she made a piece about entrances and exits, with dancers entering from the audience, from a trap door, or from a ladder connecting a side balcony to the stage. Dunn decided that the music would be lines from Oscar Wilde’s plays, spoken by the dancers. The title, Country Dances, came from one of these lines. For a trio section in which one woman, held in the air by two men, her feet never touching the ground, was saying lines like “Love changes one.” Her brazen exploration of the theater spaces, plus the chance element of Dunn’s “music” created a certain frisson. John Herbert McDowell remembered that “there was a lot that happened up in the air. Ruth Emerson saying something about German grammar while hanging from the ceiling.”[41] (In journalist McDonagh’s memory, she was hanging upside down.[42])

Fantastic Gardens,1964. From left: Sally Gross, Carla Blanc, Tony Holder, Ruth Emerson, Sandra Neels. Ph Dan Budnik.

Short pieces were the order of the day at Judson. The idea was to experiment, not to make a masterpiece. However, Summers spent three years planning for her evening-length Fantastic Gardens (1964), combining dance, film, sculpture, and music‑—and mirrors. (Until that point, the only other single-choreographer evening at Judson had been Yvonne Rainer’s Terrain in 1963.) The everything-at-once extravaganza deployed sixteen dancers, two composers, five visual artists, eight 16-mm projectors, four Super-8s, three projectionists, five photographers, and a tree made of metallic junk. She wanted to spell out the non-hierarchical relationship was between choreographer and dancers, so she wrote on the program notes, “Elaine Summers is the choreographer of the dances. She has provided the dancers with a framework—movement scores—within which they are able to improvise, as individual dancers.”[43]   Among the photographers was Billy Linich, who was also painting everything silver at Andy Warhol’s Factory.[44] More than a year in advance, Elaine asked Sarah Stackhouse, a beautifully expressive member of the Limón company, to dance in a film that would appear next to her dancing life. In Fantastic Gardens, Stackhouse danced in front of the film to create a meshing of live and filmed body parts.

Summers was delighted when the audience took her mirror idea and ran with it:

We gave the audience little tiny mirrors. I had discovered if you put a mirror at the lens of a projector and you move the mirror, you…can move the image.…The film projector was on the floor. They were supposed to…use the mirrors to light the way to their seats. Then they caught on, and they started signaling each other across the space, which was absolutely gorgeous.[45]

This was a typical reaction of Elaine’s. She loved when a chance occurrence opened the possibility for something else to happen. Another example was when she noticed that the apartment across from hers had a neat row of garbage cans out on the fire escape, which gave her the idea of watering the cans to become a “fantastic garden.”  She created a recurring story within the otherwise random collage of film. It involved Fred Herko, a trained ballet dancer (with a face that is eerily reminiscent of Rudolf Nureyev’s) periodically emerging from that apartment to water the garbage cans as if they were a garden. He was clothed differently each time—jeans, a fur coat, a bikini. Finally, with the last watering, a bunch of huge plastic plants popped out of the cans. Springtime in a fantastic garden!

Jonas Mekas, the Village Voice film critic and experimental filmmaker, raved about the performance:

Fantastic effects were produced by using a split screen, a screen made of several dangling strips of white material which moved and separated, and there were human figures appearing through the partings, moving into and out of the screen, submerging, disappearing into it, participating in it, so that at times one didn’t know…what was the photograph and what was the real live presence. Actions of images overlapped or repeated or extended actions of dancers and people—the same figures, often, appearing on the screen as in the dance arena or around the balcony.

All this worked as an artistic unity…there was an attempt here made to produce an aesthetic, soul experience consisting of a variety of feelings, motions, and emotions. It came close to an audiovisual-spatial symphony that moved us and involved us in strange and beautiful ways, new ways, never before experienced ways, something that contained amazement and glimpses of not yet familiar beauty.[46]

With multiple projectors, the filmed images spilled out onto the walls, ceiling, and floor. There was so much going on that one couldn’t possibly see or hear it all. Jill Johnston, the Village Voice dance critic at the time, got into the groove: “Not straining to get it all, one could bask in the total atmosphere, which was off-beat and romantic, like an elegant garden party gone somewhat haywire… Miss Summers’ mélange was an unusual and provocative affair.”[47] Years later, Jennifer Krasinski, an editor at Artforum, called Fantastic Gardens “a watershed moment in the evolution of intermedia art.”[48]

Homemade by Trisha Brown. Ph VIncent Pereira.

One of the people influenced by Fantastic Gardens was Trisha Brown, who later became perhaps the most well-known American post-modern choreographer. She had been studying with Elaine and the two were close friends. Trisha not only absorbed Elaine’s teachings about body awareness as a lifelong practice, she also admired Elaine’s techno experiments. Two years after Fantastic Gardens, Trisha created, Homemade (1966), a solo for which she wore a projector on her back, the encumbrance being a collaboration with theater artist Robert Whitman. Her movement splashed the filmed images all over the house—the walls, ceiling, floor, and audience. As art historian Susan Rosenberg has pointed out, Homemade had a lot in common with the Fantastic Garden’s mode of images spilling out everywhere.[49] In fact, I would wager that Brown’s famous series of equipment pieces (1968–1974) might not have happened if she hadn’t witnessed Summers’ experiments.

Steve Paxton’s Flat (1964), ph Tom Brazil

The cross stimulation that happened at Judson is something Summers particularly enjoyed. Another example: Summers was amused when she saw Paxton’s Flat (1964), in which he disrobed and hung garments, one by one, on hooks that he had affixed to his skin. It made her think about “our bodies as holders of clothing”—and about technology:

I made a dance called To Steve With Love, where people were actually dressing and undressing and had little speakers. One had a speaker on her forehead, another on his belly button, and another had a radio beside him because I was also intrigued with the coming of the portable radios. We were all playing with media. Like Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers, dancing [with] music in the park, now everyone could have a full orchestra when they danced in the park.[50]

She was ahead of her time. Now, of course, most Broadway performers wear tiny microphones on their foreheads. Summers was always thinking of ways that dance could partner with technology.

The term Intermedia was popularized by Dick Higgins, who, like Robert Dunn, had been a student in John Cage’s famous course in Experimental Music at the New School. That course blew open existing definitions of the separate disciplines. In his first Intermedia newsletter, Higgins declared, “Much of the best work being produced today seem to fall between media.”[51]

Embracing the term, Summers formed the Experimental Intermedia Foundation in 1968. It provided organizational support for her own productions as well as those of others genre-defying artists including Trisha Brown, composers Malcom Goldstein, Philip Corner, Carman Moore, and composer/filmmaker Phill Niblock, who took the helm in 1985.[52]

One of Summers’ first productions under EIF was the three-hour version of Energy Changes at the Museum of Modern Art in 1973. The dance traveled through several stages that started very small internal movements and gradually worked up to a commotion of interaction—as slow as Dance for Carola. Corner had hung objects like cymbals and gongs along the path for the audience to play with. Summers had given the audience instructions, asking them to stand near one dancer and quietly move to another dancer. Don McDonagh of the New York Times found the prolonged event pleasant but underwhelming: “The only problem was that the movement invention did not sustain constant interest. Perhaps it was not meant to.”[53]

To the point. One wonders how rambling Summers intended it to be. Her purpose was certainly not to produce a good artwork. Perhaps, like Kinetic Awareness, the idea was to look at the inner and outer landscape with fresh eyes. She would probably agree with her collaborator, the composer Pauline Oliveros, who has said, “I have never tried to build a career. I’ve only tried to build a community.”[54]

Undaunted by middling reviews, Summers organized the first Intermedia Arts Festival in 1980. The schedule of eight performances at the Guggenheim Museum was augmented by seminars, workshops and an international symposium at other venues. It was a way to extend the 1960s fervor for defying categorization. The artists included Summers, Higgins, Allan Kaprow, Kenneth King, Joan Jonas, Meredith Monk, Ping Chong, and Nam June Paik, the “father of video art.”

LIVE Performance Art magazine (an offshoot of Performing Arts Journal), celebrated the ten-day series by printing statements from some of the artists. Elaine used her space to say that women had not been recognized for their role in this pioneering field. Dick Higgins, pointing to forms that erupted in the 1960s such as “visual poetry” and “happenings,” asked, “Between what two media does this work lie?” Joan Jonas, one of the few women who achieved prominence in the field, wrote that, “the desire to move suddenly from one space to the next, continuously breaking the spell (illusion)” allowed her to create alternative identities. Kenneth King, who called his dance-and-text pieces “transmedia,” predicted that “the computer will be able to deal with many different channels or tracks of information simultaneously.” (Remarkably, King had been predicting the centrality of the computer since 1974 with his piece The Telaxic Synapsulator—which I danced in.) Meredith Monk wrote, “By placing one thing against or with another makes each element become more mysterious and the whole more luminous.” Allan Kaprow, the “father of happenings,” dismissed the term intermedia as nostalgic.[55]

Not included in this compendium of definers was Hans Breder, who had left New York in 1966 for a job at the University of Iowa. Determined to replicate the downtown ethos of defying boundaries, he started an Intermedia program in Iowa City. Breder defined intermedia “not as an interdisciplinary fusing of different fields into one, but as a constant collision of concepts and disciplines.”[56] (Among his most famous students were Ana Mendieta and Charles Ray.) He was important to Summers in that he invited her for residencies and made space avaiable to her, specifically a large loft with a ladder in it. And his students were available to her for some of her films. This included the captivating, dreamlike Iowa Blizzard (1973), where clusters of black-clad students are tromping through the snow. On closer inspection, one sees that each cluster is actually one person with overlays—a four-way superimposition that Breder’s students, with Summers’ encouragement, came up with in the lab.[57]

During that first Intermedia festival at the Guggenheim, Summers premiered Crow’s Nest, a collaboration with avant-garde composer Pauline Oliveros, who had studied with her. What Oliveros and Summers shared was an idea of deep listening and a love of nature. Sites that were captured by Summers’ camera included Lake Placid, Jupiter Island, and Joshua Tree, making for a beautifully lush two-dimensional environment—which appeared three-dimensional because fluttering strips of white fabric created an environment that dancers could enter. For Alexandra Ogsbury, longtime Summers dancer in the ’70s and ’80s, Crow’s Nest was her favorite piece to perform. “It really came together in terms of all the different things she had been experimenting with. The dancers moving in and out of the silk panels, I thought was brilliant.”[58] Crow’s Nest actually started, unofficially, in Summers’ loft in 1979, then went to the piazzas of Italy before reaching the Guggenheim. It was later repeated at the Hunter Museum in Tennessee in 1998 and again in Boston’s Cyber Festival in 2006.

Another work that relied on the visuals was Solitary Geography, a large piece specifically for the Performing Garage in 1983. (Solitary Geography began as a dancefilm solo in 1977.) The Village Voice critic Deborah Jowitt described the extraordinary performers Min Tanaka and Suzushi Hanayagi, but felt the overall action was formless. Instead of condemning it, however, she drew on her past insights about Summers to say, “If this piece is about anything, it’s about Summers’ love of kinetic images in inanimate nature and the power that resides in sensitive human movers.” New York Times critic Jack Anderson praised Pepón Osório’s set that suggested a natural landscape, Jon Gibson’s music that also hinted at nature, and the overall “harmonious mingling of art forms.” The only  choreography he commented on was when Min Tanaka “crossed the stage on a sputtering motorcycle.”[59]

In 1984, Summers returned to the Guggenheim for the Second Intermedia Festival, with Skydance/Skytime, which continued the open-air event Skydance from 1982, again collaborating with German artist Otto Piene. A huge red flower atop the museum’s roof alerted tourists that something funny or absurdist was going on. Indoors, Carman Moore’s ensemble of musicians, complete with a gong and wind sounds, played as another Piene contraption—a large snaky inflatable—puffed up, uncoiled, and rose upward. But the hooks and wires kept getting stuck along the way and had to be hurriedly fixed by a team of workers. Jowitt wrote that the performance had an “aura of magic that no technical hitches dispel.”[60] Jennifer Dunning went so far as to call the technical crew the “real heroes of the evening.”[61]

Elaine teaching at Memphis State University, 1988. Ph © David Horan

Meanwhile, Summers work as a somatic teacher continued to deepen. To give an idea of how her approach could help heal the whole person, I quote Merián Soto, a notable dance artist who studied and danced with Summers from 1978 to 1983:

“In my memories of Elaine, she is a guide leading her students toward inner realms, where, like archaeologists on a dig, we explore in fine detail the mysteries of our bodies. In her role as guide, she is free of all agendas save a generous, listening presence. She exudes a deep respect for our uniqueness as individuals, sitting beside and supporting us as we delve into the aliveness of our moving bodies. Through her words and quality of presence, she guides us in a practice of noticing: our emotions, memories, and the evolution of ideas within our flesh…I trusted her completely, and because of this, I learned to trust the truth of my body, senses, and movement…. as a Puerto Rican woman …I was on a quest to decolonize my body/mind/psyche from assumptions and patterns…of thinking, being, and moving that blocked inner knowledge.”[62]

Summers’ interest in body awareness and her interest in choreography started to flow into one river. Advanced students like Soto became her dancers. As they were concentrating on breaking habits to free their bodies, they were also developing ways to participate in Summers’ spectacles. One of the scores she gave, according to former student and current multi-media dance artist Frances Becker, was “1 + 1 + 1 + 1,” which meant you could never repeat a movement but always had to come up with new movement.Becker explained this score in an article in CQ Unbound. [63] In both chance procedures and Kinetic Awareness, the goal was to expand consciousness.

To give you an idea of how KA could consume time, Becker tells of her first visit to a KA class in 1978: “Elaine very cheerfully told me to lie down and take 45 minutes to warm up and then take half an hour to stand up. She would come and see who made it up in time. She disappeared behind a door.”[64] Becker then proceeded to spend five years studying with Elaine before being asked into her company.

While entering into Kinetic Awareness with Summers was a rich, transformative experience, being involved in rehearsals could be frustrating. About working with her on The Illuminated Workingman in the ’70s, Soto wrote, “While Elaine was wildly enthusiastic, her process was chaotic. She would change unison movement for a large group section moments before the show, leaving dancers confused and unable to achieve the intended unison. But it was enormously fun.”[65]

What wasn’t fun, as I’ve hinted, was the sexism in the art world. Summers felt women were under appreciated in the field of Intermedia, and that she had to ignore “the ‘put-downs’ women often experience in the male-dominated world of technology.”[66] Men like Dick Higgins, who had his own printing press, seemed all powerful, making her feel that “I didn’t have a chance.” Summers also talked about psychological demons, like the inner critic demanding that you raise your leg higher or tighten the structure of your choreography. “Unconsciously in your mind, those demons are nibbling away at you and you’re quietly trying to do the dance that you have to do and be in touch with yourself.”[67] She was aware, too, of another set of demons, specifically about our bodies. In a profile in Ms. Magazine, she said, “I want to get rid of the built-in criticism about our bodies that we all carry around with us, the accumulations of negative body attitudes and tensions that are no longer appropriate.”[68]

Rehearsal for Illuminated Workingman in Buffalo. Elaine at right, Robert Coe in center. Found in clipping file, Jerome Robbins Dance Collection, Library for the Performing Arts.

Yet she always presented an optimistic picture. Playwright and journalist Robert Coe, who performed in The Illuminated Workingman (1979) in Buffalo, likened Summers to a “buoyant innocent kindergarten teacher.”[69] The language she used to describe her work was often cheerful. Mapp recalls a flyer posted on Summers’ door with a schedule for weekly classes. The first week focused on “Your Fabulous Head and Neck,” the second week on “Your Great Shoulders & Arms & Hands,” the third week on “Understanding Your Incredible Spine,” and so forth.[70] While Mapp was charmed by this cheerful language, she sensed it would lead to a deeper mission.

Ogsbury, who danced with Summers from around 1969 to 1984, felt by the end of that period, that there was a disconnect between what she called the “flamboyant” language, which she felt was “unreal,” and the actual work of Kinetic Awareness, which she called “real, real, real.”[71] And Summers wasn’t always so sweet and flowery. Coe had this memory: “Elaine had a laugh that came in soft bursts, and she was always smiling, but just as The Illuminated Workingman was ending that last night in Buffalo, she got into one of the greatest angry screaming matches I have ever been privileged to witness. Elaine literally got nose to nose and toe to toe with one of the dancers she had brought in from New York.”

Although Summers did not write a lot—except for endless grant applications—she sometimes use language that revealed her observational powers. This is clear in her descriptions of a few of her students who became prominent dance artists.

Each dancer is an entire universe. I think of Suzushi Hanayagi, whose dance energy and imagination is powerful, intense and daring. She seems a samurai warrior let loose. Dana Reitz who is a laser beam of sheer LIGHT. Eva Karczag, a vertical brook, she contains all the possibilities of white water rapids, and still pools. Then there is the hummingbird vibration of Min Tanaka’s high tension, and Trisha Brown’s silky ambiguity and complete innocence concerning the existence of gravity.[72]

This generosity of spirit cut across racial lines too. Summers was “ahead of her time” in that she was a white woman who actively sought out people of color as dancers, musicians, collaborators. Her experience with Janet Collins in the 1950s brought into focus how important it is that Black people and other non-whites have opportunities. She hired and/or nurtured a number of artists of color at different points in their careers. Elaine met Rudy Perez, who was from a Puerto Rican family in the Bronx, at a studio she rented in midtown. She invited him to perform in her piece The Daily Wake on the first Judson program. Perez started making works himself, notably, the much-photographed duet for himself and Elaine called Take Your Alligator With You (1963). She also cast him in Fantastic Gardens, pairing him with Cunningham dancer Sandra Neels. He went on to become a major post-modern choreographer in New York and Los Angeles.

She hired Edward Barton (later spelled Bhartonne), who had some gymnastics training, probably after seeing him in James Waring’s ballet class (Barton is visible in the section of Judson Fragments where Waring is teaching a ballet class) or in a large piece by John Herbert McDowell, Elaine’s frequent collaborator, in Concert #6. Then in Concert #10, he performed his own spiffy novelty act, Pop No. 1 and Pop No 2, which were each about two minutes long. He simply blew up a balloon, tied it to his waist, did a back flip, and popped it when he landed. For the second edition, he landed, flipped over, and then popped the balloon. After performing in Summers’ Country Dances, he continued as a member of the Elaine Summers Film & Dance Company for years.

After Judson, Summers pulled in Pearl Bowser, whom she knew from Janet Collins’ company, to perform in her piece Dance for Lots of People (1963) at Judson Church. With Elaine’s encouragement, Bowser turned toward film. This began when Summers asked Bowser to help edit the film recording of Trisha’s Walking on the Wall.[73] Bowser became a prominent historian/curator of Black films.

In 1977, Elaine made a solo for the stunning dancer Matt Turney, who had retired from the Martha Graham’s company, for her film and performance called Windows in the Kitchen. (The film part of it is posted here.)

Matt Turney in the Kitchen

Summers’ most frequent collaborator was African American composer Carman Moore. He played live with his group of musicians for Energy Changes, Illuminated Workingman, and countless other projects. Moore has become a legendary artist who defies musical categories.

Summers’ commitment to diversity was one aspect of her vision of collectivity, which ultimately manifested in her many iterations of the Skydance idea. As Juliette Mapp said Summers’ last decade, “She was inspired by the Internet, the possibility for collectivity, that we’d all be looking at the sky at the same time.”[74] An early version of Skydance was produced by Hans Breder at the University of Iowa in 1982. The performance was outdoors in a meadow, with many students ferrying inflatables that shot up to the sky. Recently, with the coming of the Internet, her dream became more doable—or maybe just more dreamable:

“I want to have an ongoing web piece, artwork, that continues and pays for itself.… My dream…is to have the real whole Skytime being done all over the world all the time, continually, making money by doing the thing you want to do.”[75]

Mapp also pointed out that Summers used her camera to document the work of her peers—another form of collectivity. She shot Yvonne Rainer’s Room Service in 1963 at Judson; Steve Paxton’s Deposit (1964) in upstate New York; Trisha Brown’s Planes (1968), her first equipment piece; and Brown’s Walking on the Walls at the Whitney in 1971. It was her way of sharing, of participating in the collective, of preserving the work of her peers, so these are now valuable archives.

Video stills from Steve Paxton’s Deposit, Kutsher’s Country Club, Thompson, NY, 1965. Deborah Hay and Steve Paxton, filmed by Elaine Summers, used in “Judson Fragments” (1965). Courtesy of the heirs of Elaine Summers and the Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NY Public Library for the Performing Arts.

Trisha Brown’s Walking on the Wall, filmed by Summers, Whitney Museum 1971.

Elaine met video art pioneer Davidson Gigliotti, who became director of video at EIF—and her third husband. (Carol Summers had moved to California in the 1970s.) Elaine and Davidson worked on many projects together, including a stint in Florida (Elaine loved the beach) at the Sarasota Visual Art Center in the 1990s.

Summers produced many other works than those named above, with titles like Hidden Forest, Dance for Lots of People, Secret Dancers, Theatre Piece for Chairs and Ladders, and Galumphing. There were more than thirty over all, but it’s hard to count them because she recycled pieces and titles. Her influence seeped into Judson Dance Theater in both of her two main areas: Kinetic Awareness and Intermedia. In terms of the first, Judson choreographers like Trisha Brown, Yvonne Rainer, David Gordon, and Meredith Monk all studied with her. They wanted not only to heal their bodies, but they were looking for an escape from presenting the self in a theatrical way, a way that performers called “selling.” They were forging, as a collective and as individuals, a more intimate way of coexisting with the audience, sometimes inviting the audience in. What came out of this was a more interior, sensing-the-self kind of presence, animated by a more experimental attitude. And this new aesthetic opened the door for post-modern dance to walk through and thrive.

Elaine kept her creative juices going even in her last years. In 2009, Elaine Summers Dance & Film presented an evening of her films at Anthology Film Archives called “Making Rainbows.” Summers was fond of saying, “The best intermedia effect is the rainbow because it’s a combination light and water, and it exists only when those things combine in that particular way.”[76] It included films from the 1960s and ’70s like Illuminated Workingman, Walking Dance for Any Number, and Crow’s Nest. And she participated in the Danspace Project “Platform 2010: Back to New York City,” curated by Mapp. I love this quote from Elaine that appeared in the platform booklet: “Ideas are out there, waiting for someone to make them visible. The world is full of ideas. You get your instructions, but if you don’t act on them, it’s just a dream.” Included in that program was Two Girls Downtown Iowa, which showed two women rushing to greet each other on a sidewalk, shot in slow motion. Roslyn Sulcas, writing in the New York Times, called it “a remarkable conflation of kinetic effect and almost painterly moment-by-moment composition.” In the fall of 2014 Elaine’s films were shown in Berlin and Amsterdam.

Summers’ plan for Skydance was the most utopian vision of all. The last iteration of Skydance was Skytime 2014/Moon Rainbow. Presented by Solar One in Stuyvesant Cove Park, it involved Kiori Kawai as co-choreographer and dancer and two of her favorite composers—Carman Moore and Pauline Oliveros. Among the dancers was the Dutch dancer and impresario Thomas Körvélyessy, who has brought Kinetic Awareness to the Netherlands.

Screen shot of Kiori Kawaii and Thomas Körtvélyessy in an improvisation with Summers film footage, Berlin, 2023.

I conclude with a memory from dance artist Douglas Dunn, who lived in a SoHo building near Elaine’s. He recalled a moment when he saw Elaine, fallen on the street, close to where they both lived. In her 80s, she was weakened by osteoarthritis. He stopped to ask if he could help her up:

“Don’t touch me!”, with ardent fury she shrieked. There was a toughness, a profound autonomy in the tone of her screech. (There was a grit that underlay her always upbeat radiant friendliness; or, more accurately, her always upbeat radiant generous lovingness. It was impossible for me ever to be in her presence without feeling that I had been appreciating life far too little, and that I should work harder to emulate her unabashed, big-hearted joie de vivre.)[77]

¶¶¶

Special thanks to Thomas Körvélyessy, who, as executor of Summers’ estate, manages the website  Elaine Summers Artistic Estate. Also thanks to Dan De Prenger and Bill Crowley, who were grad students of Hans Breder, and to Juliette Mapp.

¶¶¶

Selected Bibliography

Banes, Sally. Democracy’s Body: Judson Dance Theater, 1962–1964. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993.

Eddy, Martha. Mindful Movement: The Evolution of the Somatic arts and Conscious Action. Chicago: Intellect, 2016.

Saltonstall, Ellen. Kinetic Awareness: Discovering Your Bodymind. New York: Kinetic Awareness Center, 1988.

 

Notes

[1] Quoted in Anna Kisselgoff, “Elaine Summers, Who Meshed Dance and Film, Dies at 89,” New York Times, January 15, 2015.

[2] Martha Eddy, Mindful Movement: The Evolution of the Somatic arts and Conscious Action (Chicago: Intellect, 2016), 55.

[3] Elaine talked about the Juilliard training often, and her short stint as a Juilliard student is mentioned in all her biographical material. But neither her maiden name nor either of her married names shows up on the enrollment lists. The name Elaine Weil appears on the list of extension students, for the fall of 1952. She had already separated from her first husband, Warren Spaulding, and had just met her husband to be, Carol Summers, so I’m wondering if she made up a surname at random.

[4] Yaël Tamar Lewin, Night’s Dancer: The Life of Janet Collins (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press), 137.

[5] Email to author from Daryl Chin, December 20, 2014.

[6] Oral History Project Interview Transcript, 168.

[7] Ellen Saltonstall, Kinetic Awareness: Discovering Your Bodymind (New York: Kinetic Awareness Center, 1988), 16.

[8] Saltonstall, Kinetic Awareness, 19-24. By the way, a new book on Gindler, by Rebecca Loukes, has just been published.

[9] Quoted in Eddy, Mindful Movement, 57.

[10] Bennington College Judson Project interview. This Project was initiated by me and co-directed with Tony Carruthers, who conducted this interview, c. 1980. Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NYPL. “The Judson Project” NYPL Digital Collections. 1983. *MGZIDF 5872.

[11] Quoted in Eddy, Mindful Movement, 56.

[12] Eddy, Mindful Movement, 176.

[13] Eddy, Mindful Movement, 191.

[14] Quoted in Saltonstall, Kinetic Awareness, 27.

[15] Interview with the author, December 10, 2014.

[16] Oral History Project Interview Transcript, Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NY Public Library for the Performing Arts, *MGZMT 3-2626, 139.

[17] Robert Dunn, Movement Research Performance Journal #14: “The Legacy of Robert Ellis Dunn,” guest edited by Wendy Perron, 1997, originally published in Contact Quarterly, 1980.

[18] Quoted in “Why Dance in the Art World?” Performa.

[19] Bennington College Judson Project interview. Posted here by Elaine Summers Artistic Estate.

[20] Bennington College Judson Project interview.

[21] Quoted in Susan K. Berman, “Four Breakaway Choreographers,” Ms. Magazine, April 1975, 40.

[22] Sally Banes, “Choreographic Methods of the Judson Dance Theater,” Moving History/Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader, eds Ann Dils & Ann Copper Albright (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2001), 353.

[23] Bennington College Judson Project Interview.

[24] Bennington College Judson Project interview.

[25] Samara Davis, “Judson at 50: Elaine Summers,” Artforum online, 2012, accessed October 4, 2024.

[26] Oral History Project Interview Transcription, with Elaine Summers, MGZMT 3-2626 Pages 1-99, Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NY Public Library for the Performing Arts, 89.

[27] Elaine Summers, Movement Research Performance Journal #14, guest editor Wendy Perron, “The Legacy of Robert Ellis Dunn (1928-1996),” 1997, 3.

[28] Bennington College Judson Project interview.

[29] Elaine Summers, “Infinite Choices: Improvisation in Choreography & Filmmaking,” Contact Quarterly, Fall 1987, 34.

[30] Sally Banes, Democracy’s Body: Judson Dance Theater, 1962–1964 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993), 40.

[31] Quoted in Banes, Democracy’s Body, 41.

[32] Banes, Democracy’s Body, 47

[33] Banes, Democracy’s Body, 53.

[34] Yvonne Rainer, Feelings Are Facts (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, paperback edition, 2013), 223.

[35] Quoted in Banes, Democracy’s Body, 72–76.

[36] Elaine Summers Interview, OHP Library, transcript, p. 222.

[37] Bennington College Judson Project Interview.

[38] Bennington College Judson Project Interview.

[39] Quoted in Oral History Project Interview, 157.

[40] Um, I forget where I read this.

[41] Quoted in Banes, Democracy’s Body, 156.

[42] Don McDonagh, The Rise and Fall and Rise of Modern Dance (New York: New American Library, 1970), 276.

[43] Program notes for Fantastic Gardens.

[44] Billy Linich designed lights for many Judson dances. Known as Billy Name in the Warhol milieu, he was the person responsible for furnishing The Factory with stuff found in the street and for covering the inside in silver—either tin foil, mylar, or silver paint, causing Warhol to comment, “It was the perfect time to think silver.” Source: Andy Warhol and Pat Hackett, POPism: The Warhol ’60s (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1980), 63-65.

[45] Bennington College Judson Project interview.

[46] Jonas Mekas, “Movie Journal,” Village Voice, February 27, 1964.

[47] Jill Johnston, “Summers Gardens, Village Voice, March 12, 1964, Clippings file, *MGZR.

[48] Jennifer Krasinski, “Royal Flux: A book captures the creative impermanence of the Judson Dance Theater,” Bookforum, accessed December 6, 2024.

[49] Susan Rosenberg, Trisha Brown: Choreography as Visual Art (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2017), 38.

[50] Bennington College Judson project interview.

[51] Dick Higgins, “Intermedia,” The Something Else Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 1, February 1966.

[52] Niblock started a concert series under EIF in 1973. Since 1985, when he took the helm, EIF has presented numerous American and international artists and created many recordings. Niblock died in 2024.

[53] Don McDonagh, “Summers Dance Joined by Audience in Museum Garden,” New York Times, September 23, 1973, 62.

[54] Daniel Weintraub, dir. documentary film, Deep Listening: The Story of Pauline Oliveros (2023).

[55] All statements about the Intermedia Festival, made in LIVE Performance Art #3, 1980, 12–17.

[56] Quoted in William Grimes, “Hans Breder, Who Broke Artistic Boundaries, Dies at 81,” New York Times, June 23, 2017.

[57]  The complete film (twelve minutes) by Elaine Summers, camera and special editing by Bill Rowley, dancers: students of the department of Intermedia, Iowa University, ©1973, 2015 (renewed) Artistic Estate of Elaine Summers, the Jerome Robbins Dance Division, NYPL, accessed January 13, 2025.

[58] Interview with the author, December 17, 2024.

[59] Jack Anderson, “Dance: Solitary Geography, Mixed Media Ode to Nature,” New York Times, July 16, 1983.

[60] Deborah Jowitt, “Heat Record,” Village Voice, July 10, 1984, 71.

[61] Jennifer Dunning, “Dance: Mixed-Media Performance,” New York Times, June 10, 1984.

[62]  “How Does This Body Want to Move?: Dancing the Legacy of Elaine Summers,” by Merián Soto, Contact Quarterly, Vol. 44 No.2, summer/Fall 2019

[63] Frances Becker, “Remembering Elaine,” CQ Unbound, accessed December 22, 2024.

[64] Becker, “Remembering Elaine.”

[65] Becker, “Remembering Elaine.”

[66] Maria Harriton, “Elaine Summers: New Forms, New Ideas!” Dance Magazine, September 1970, 66.

[67] Bennington College Judson Project Interview.

[68] Susan K. Berman, “Four Breakaway Choreographers,” Ms. Magazine, April 1975, 39.

[69] Email to author, November 13, 2024.

[70] Juliette Mapp, “Stardust to Stardust: Learning from Elaine,” Movement Research Performance Journal #46, April 2015, 18.

[71] Interview with the author, December 17, 2024

[72] Elaine Summers, “Infinite Choices,” 35. To identify these dancers: Suzushi Hanayagi was a classical Japanese dancer who came to NYC with a scholarship to the Graham school, then got involved in Judson, and went on to choreograph for fourteen productions by experimental theater director Robert Wilson. Reitz is a solo improvisor and faculty member at Bennington College. Eva Karzcag, an extraordinarily fluid dancer in Trisha Brown’s company in the 1980s, is an educator who incorporates Kinetic Awareness in her teachings. Min Tanaka was a Butoh improvisor with an international reputation.

[73] Email from Thomas Körtvélyessy, artistic executor of the Elaine Summers estate, December 19, 2024.

[74] Phone interview with the author, December 10, 2024.

[75] Oral History Project Interview transcript, 307.

[76] Quoted in Anna Kisselgoff, “Cooking with Intermedia,” New York Times, February 18, 1977.

[77] Douglas Dunn, “In Celebration of Elaine Summers,”  February 20, 2021, accessed December 12, 2014.

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Sylvia Waters, Women’s History Month

I thought I knew about Sylvia Waters’ long life on the Ailey planet, but when she spoke recently on a panel celebrating 90 years of dance at the 92nd Street Y, I heard some surprises.

Sylvia and Dante Puleio at the Library for the Performing Arts, Jonathan Blanc:NYPL

I knew she’d attended Juilliard because Sylvia and Pina Bausch received Dance Magazine Awards the same year—2008—and they reminisced a little bit about their times at Juilliard together. In fact, I quoted Sylvia when I wrote my opus on Pina Bausch at Juilliard and NYC because she had such a clear view of Pina’s talent back in 1960.

I knew that Sylvia had danced with Ailey for seven years, then led Ailey II for thirty-eight years, from 1975 to 2012.

Sylvia and Dudley Williams in Metallics by Paul Sanasardo, Ph Fred Fehl

But she had a full dance life before joining Ailey. As a teenager she was studying at the New Dance Group on scholarship, taking class with Bill Bales and others from that period. Then, one day, when she was 14, she had a substitute teacher for Horton technique—and that turned out to be Alvin Ailey. Later, at Juilliard, her Graham teachers were Helen McGehee, Mary Hinkson, Bert Ross, and Ethel Winters.

Sylvia, foreground, in Blues Suite, screen grab

When she saw Ailey’s Blues Suite during his debut at the 92s Street Y in 1958, she felt a strong connection. In this Ailey Up Close video, introduced by Robert Battle, Sylvia says, “I really had a visceral reaction to it…I was very familiar with these characters, and I was familiar with Blues music.” She admired the dignity and energy of the characters. However, she didn’t dance with Ailey until ten years later.

In 1960 Donald McKayle asked her to perform in what he called his “epic” work, They Called Her Moses, about Harriet Tubman and the Underground Railroad. It was being remounted for CBS television’s Camera Three in 1961. The star-studded cast included Arthur Mitchell, Carmen de Lavallade and Graham dancer Robert Powell. Thanks to Walter Rutledge, this bit of amazing history is posted here. Sylvia plays a poignant figure, and her energy jumps off the screen. Her part is preceded by a duet for Arthur Mitchell and Kathleen Stanford, and followed by a gorgeous duet for Donald McKayle and Carmen de Lavallade as young lovers hoping for a better life.

The first time Sylvia danced at the Y, it was with Hava Kohav, whom she knew from Juilliard, in 1961. Other Juilliard dancers in that group were Dudley Williams, Bill Louther, and Mabel Robinson. (Hava Kohav Beller went on to become a filmmaker.) Sylvia then went to Europe, where she worked with Maurice Béjart. In 1965, when Sylvia saw Revelations, she said to herself, “That’s where I want to be.” But it didn’t happen until 1968, when she ran into Alvin Ailey at BAM while attending a performance of Martha Graham. He asked her “What are you doing,” and that was the beginning of her forty-five years with Ailey.

As longtime leader of Ailey II, Sylvia nurtured young dancers, gave opportunities to choreographers, arranged tours, and chose the rep. When she stepped down in 2012, she said in Dance Magazine, “I believe in renewal; I believe in change.” In this article in the NY Times, Gia Kourlas says that “Ms. Waters’ track record of spotting talent is astounding.”

Alma Woolsey, Danny Strayhorn, & Sylvia in The Road of Phoebe Snow by Talley Beatty, 1969, Ph Jack Mitchell

In addition to the Dance Magazine Award, she received an honorary doctorate from the SUNY Oswego, a Legacy Award as part of the 20th Annual IABD Festival, the Syracuse University’s Women of Distinction Award, and a “Bessie” Award.

Currently, Sylvia leads The Ailey Legacy Residency for college-level students. Last year, she created Portrait of Ailey, an eight-part documentary series for PBS LearningMedia for Black History Month, a website with classroom-ready resources for pre-K-12 teachers.

I love it when one woman’s passion and integrity take her on a long path that enriches us all.

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90 Years of Dance at the Y

The 92nd Street Y is celebrating 90 years of dance. The ebullient Joan Finkelstein led a panel of eight illustrious dance artists at the Library for the Performing Arts on March 10. A major part of the leadership lineage at the Y, Joan gave us a jam-packed history lesson before introducing the panelists in three groups: First Janet Eilber, director of Martha Graham Dance company; Dante Puleio, director of the Limón Dance company; and Sylvia Waters, artistic director emerita of Ailey II. The second group consisted of choreographers David Dorfman, Doug Varone, and Ronald K. Brown with Arcell Cabuag (Ron’s associate artistic director). The last contingent was three young dancemakers who have been artists in residence at 92NY (as it is now called): Yue Yin, Omar Román De Jésus, and Hope Boykin.

 

Joan Finkelstein at right. All photos by Jonathan Blanc/NYPL

Joan, director of the Harkness Harkness Foundation for Dance, flashed a recent Dance Index, in which she explains the long lineage of dance at the YM-YWHA. (Go to Dance Index and scroll down.) Joan also reminded us that the vibrant exhibit about dance at the Y is up until August: Dance to Belong: A History of Dance at 92NY: An 150th Anniversary Exhibition.

Everyone was lively while speaking and even while listening. I jotted down a few choice words I remember (I don’t have a recording so these quotes are not exactly verbatim):

Janet Eilber

Janet Eilber: “Some of Martha Graham’s company members were young women in revolution, like Jane Dudley and Anna Sokolow, who brought their own work to the Y.”

 

Dante Puleio

Dante Puleio: “José gave his dancers agency, not just the steps.”

Sylvia Waters

 

Sylvia Waters: “The first time I danced at the Y, it was with Hava Kohav, not Alvin. But I saw Alvin’s Blues Suite in his first performance at the Y in 1958, and it was like dessert. The Y was the place to be. I learned to schmooze at the Y.”

Doug Varone

 

Doug Varone: “Joan introduced the Y to an entirely new generation. When I was in residence there, it felt utopian.”

David Dorfman

 

David Dorfman: “The Y let you grow. Lucas Hoving taught us how to make a whole dance in a weekend.”

 

 

 

 

 

Ronald K. Brown talked about his mentor Mary Anthony, performing at the Y. Arcell Cabuag about rehearsing at the Y: “You’d back up to let the queens pass — Judith Jamison or Sylvia Waters.”

Arcell Cabuag has the mic

Yue Yin: “The Y helped me shape a fast-evolving thing into a technique called FoCo. It’s a blend of contemporary and Chinese, and now two dancers are certified to teach it.

Yue Yin

Omar Román De Jésus

Omar Román De Jésus: “You didn’t always have to do new work. You could look at old work and ask, What makes a work timeless? What makes you want to come back and see it again?”

Hope Boykin

Hope Boykin: “When you have a residency at the Y, you can pay dancers and show them you value them. You are allowed to fail, and they’ll still ask you back because you’re a good risk.”

Joan took that idea of good risk and applied it to the whole 90 years. Then, to wrap up, she asked for “popcorn” answers to the question of what words come to mind that relate to dance at the Y. Among the words that came up were courage, home, and inspiration. David Dorfman, hesitated and then said, “The Y helped me feel my Jewishness.” Thus bringing it back to the beginning, 90 years ago, when William Kolodney, a German Jewish immigrant, believed he could give young people culture and community through the 92nd Street Y.

The whole panel while Yue Yin speaks

General gratitude to the Y chair of the board, Jody Arnhold, and author Naomi Jackson, who wrote the essential book Converging Movements: Modern Dance and Jewish Culture at the 92nd Street Y. 

 

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What Carolyn Brown left us

I loved Carolyn Brown’s book so much when it came out in 2007 that I gushed about it on dancemagazine.com. Now that she has passed away, I’m feeling a great loss and am re-posting it here.

Carolyn Brown and Merce Cunningham rehearsing Suite, 1972, with John Cage at the piano, photo James Klosty

For anyone who has devoted herself to a choreographer and still wonders what he/she thinks of her,

For anyone who has been puzzled by Merce Cunningham and John Cage’s work,

For anyone who loves the Cage/Cunningham work,

For anyone who has ever seen Carolyn Brown dance,

For anyone who separates modern from ballet, Cunningham from Denishawn,

For anyone who sees a continuum between all forms of dance,

For anyone who wants to understand how modern dance morphed into postmodern dance,

Chance and Circumstance: Twenty Years with Cage and Cunningham (Knopf, 2007), by sublime dancer Carolyn Brown, will give you hours of pleasure, demystification, and insight. This book is one dancer’s account of working with one choreographer. I learned so much about Cunningham’s early work that it made me want to re-see his work right away and apply the new knowledge. Not theoretical knowledge, but something more real: knowing what a struggle it was to become accepted…how many years and tours when their audiences were either indifferent or battling each other…how many years Cunningham, with his unstoppable passion for dance and making dances, met with scant success…how many years John Cage’s enthusiasm and love for Merce kept the company going—in finding performance dates, organizing the tours, keeping the dancers cheerful, and of course, providing music ideas and the idea that was the conceptual foundation of the Cage/Cunningham work. (Which was that separating the choreography, music, and visual decor in the creative process produces an entity in the eyes of the viewer that is different for each person but valid for everyone.)

If you want to know about Cunningham, Cage, Rauschenberg—the people, not the theories—gorge yourself on these 600 pages. Every page has insights and realizations, small and huge, that help us understand the evolution of dance (and art) in the 20th century. Every page carries Brown’s absolute honesty—about herself, her insecurities, her interactions, her observations about Merce. About John. About Merce and John. About Merce and John and Bob (Rauschenberg). You start to realize that though there were many obstacles and few triumphs during those years (1953–73), Merce and John and Bob were a charmed circle that collectively exploded all previous rules of choreography. Their three-way collaboration (though there were other major players like pianist/composer David Tudor) was the crucible in which all of Cunningham’s work is made.

One of the surprises is that Brown, for years, flirted with possibly dancing with the Metropolitan Opera and with Antony Tudor. (She did occasionally take gigs as an extra.) She adored Margaret Craske’s ballet class and would nearly go broke paying up her debt on classes. Another surprise (or non-surprise) is that the book is written beautifully.

Though Brown’s dancing was serene, she was not. Her life was filled with ups and downs and doubts galore. Like any dancer who strives, falters, gets frustrated, gets tunnel-minded, opens up, loses her footing as a performer, has exhilarating moments onstage, she sometimes gets depressed. And Cunningham has his moments of bad behavior, i.e. non-communicativeness, relying on others to do damage control.

But this is also a book about love. The love between a choreographer and dancer of longstanding partnership, however unspoken, demonstrated solely in the gifts they gave each other. He gave her many challenging roles to dance, and she gave him her beautifully fluid and alert dancing, which nudged his ideas of pure movement onto a heavenly plane of existence.

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